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| Digital Library / GSS Topical Report |
American Sexual Behavior: Trends, Socio-Demographic Differences, and Risk Behavior
Tom W. Smith
National Opinion Research Center
University of ChicagoGSS Topical Report No. 25
Updated
December, 1998
This research was done for the General Social Survey (GSS) project directed by James A. Davis, Tom W. Smith, and Peter V. Marsden. The GSS is supported by the National Science Foundation, Grant No. SBR-9717727.
Version 3.0
Introduction
Sexual behavior is not only of basic biological importance, but of central social importance. Not only does it perpetuate the human species, but it is the central behavior around which families are formed and defined, a vital aspect of the psychological well-being of individuals, and a component of a variety of social problems. Among current concerns tied in part to sexual behavior are the familial problems of marital harmony and divorce; criminal problems of rape, incest, child molestation, and prostitution; reproductive problems of infertility, sterility, unwanted and mistimed pregnancies, and abortion; and health problems related to sexually transmitted diseases (STDs).
About 17% of adults 18-59 have had an STD and the lifetime infection rate is likely to be over 20% (Laumann, Michael, Gognon, and Stuart, 1994).1 Moreover, with the advent of AIDS the medical problem of STDs has taken on increasing urgency (Div. of HIV/AIDS Prevention, 1995 and Yankauer, 1994). Deaths from AIDS rose at a rapid pace in the 1980s and early 1990s. By 1992 AIDS had become the number one cause of death among men 25-44. Only recent improvements in medical treatments have curbed the rising levels of HIV to AIDS conversions and lowered the death rate from AIDS (CDC, 1998; "AIDS Falls," 1998; State and Local, 1998). Most HIV infections have resulted from sexual behavior and heterosexual intercourse is increasingly becoming a mode of transmission ("Heterosexuality," 1994; CDC, 1998).
Because of both the importance of sexual behavior in general and the health crisis of AIDS in particular, we need to arm ourselves with a thorough, scientifically reliable understanding of sexual behavior and especially to study high-risk behavior (Hewitt and Beverley, 1996). In this paper we will outline what is currently known about American sexual behavior.2 Attention will focus on 1) trends and 2) socio-demographic differences within the following areas:
a) Premarital and Adolescent Sexual Activity including Cohabitation and Non-marital Births
b) Adult and General Sexual Behavior including Extra-marital Relations, Gender of Sexual Partners, Frequency of Sexual Intercourse, and Sexual Inactivity
c) The Impact of AIDS on Sexual Behavior including Reported Changes in Sexual Behavior, Number of Sexual Partners, Relationships between Sexual Partners, Prostitution, and the Use of Condoms
Premarital and Adolescent Sexual Activity
Premarital sexual intercourse has become increasingly common over the last century (Table 1A, see also Hopkins, 1998 and Whitbeck, Simons, and Goldberg, 1996). This increase was not merely the result of the so-called sexual revolution of the 1960s. The change was underway for decades prior to the 1960s and has continued since then. Rates among men were moderately high even from the beginning (61% of men born before 1910 report having had sexual intercourse before marriage) and climbed steadily. Women had low rates of premarital intercourse to begin with (only 12% of those born before 1910 had pre-marital sexual intercourse), but their rates grew more rapidly than those of men and the gap between men and women has narrowed over time. By the 1980s (roughly the 1965-1970 birth cohort) women had almost as much sexual experience as men prior to marriage (in 1988 of those 15-19 60% of men and 51.5% of women had engaged in premarital sex). This increase in premarital sexual experience is confirmed by community studies (Wyatt, Peter, and Guthrie, 1988 and Trocki, 1992) and longitudinal panels (Udry, Bauman, and Morris, 1975).
Then in the early 1990s the century-long increase in the level of premarital and adolescent sexual activity reached a peak and then declined for the first time in decades (Table 1A and Bachrach, 1998; Besharov and Gardiner, 1997; Stossel, 1997; and Peipert, et al., 1997). The decrease appears to be greater for males than females, but both genders show a levelling-off and then some reversal.3
With the increase in levels of premarital sexual intercourse came a fall in the age of first intercourse (Table 1B). In 1970 5% of women age 15 and 32% age 17 were sexually experienced, by 1988 this had grown to 26% at age 15 and 51% at age 17 (see also Kahn, Kalsbeek, and Hofferth, 1988 and Hofferth, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987). This trend also may have levelled-off since then, but the evidence is inconclusive (Table 1B and Strunin and Hingson, 1992).
When the increase in levels of premarital sexual intercourse is coupled with the rising age at first marriage, this means that men and women are spending longer and longer periods of their sexual life outside of marriage (Ehrhardt and Wasserheit, 1992; Bachrach and Horn, 1987; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994). Between 1960 and 1997 the median age at first marriage rose from 22.8 to 26.8 for men and from 20.3 to 25.0 for women. For women the median age of first premarital intercourse in 1960 was about 19.0 (Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989 and Bachrach and Horn, 1987), meaning on average only a short period of premarital sexual activity. In 1990 the median age at first sex was 16.9 for women (Divs. of Epidemiology and Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; and Reproductive Health, 1992), meaning an average exposure of 8.1 years. For men the period of premarital sexual activity now averages 10.7 years (26.8 - 16.1).
With people spending longer periods engaged in premarital sexual activity the number of lifetime sexual partners has also grown for both men and women (Table 1C). Between the pre-1910 birth cohort and the 1940-49 birth cohort the portion of men with two or more premarital sexual partners rose from 49% to 73%, while for women the gain was from 3% to 26%. This trend continued at least until recent years. For example, among sexually experienced women ages 15-19 living in metropolitan areas 38% had had 2 or more sexual partners in 1971 while by 1988 this had increased to 61%. More recently there is evidence of a reversal of this trend. On the Youth Risk Behavior Surveys (YRBS) the % of male high school students with 4+ sexual partners declined from 1989 to 1997, but the trend among females is unclear.
Cohabitation
The rise in premarital and adolescent sexual activity, coupled with delays in marriage, has led to more people living together. Since 1970 the rate of living together outside of marriage has increased more than 6 fold, from 1.1% to 7.0% of couples (Table 2). Similarly, the proportion of single mothers who were cohabitating grew from 2% in 1970 to 12% in 1995 (London, 1998). While the proportion of couples and adults cohabitating at any one point in time remains small, a large and growing percent live together at some point. Currently over a third of adults in their mid-twenties to mid-thirties cohabited at some point in their lives (Table 3A). Cohabitation after and between marriages is even more common. According to the General Social Survey (GSS) among those 25-44 who are in a second marriage, 61% cohabited with their new spouse before marriage (GSS, 1994).
Cohabitation differs little by gender or race. It is higher among younger adults, the divorced and never married, those in urban areas, and among those who attend church less frequently. Current, but not prior cohabitation with ones spouse, is higher among the less educated and those with lower incomes (Table 3B).
Cohabitation is usually a short-term arrangement, typically resulting in either marriage or a break-up after about a year (median duration of 1.3 years) (Thomson and Colella, 1992; Bumpass and Sweet, 1989; Thornton, 1988).
Cohabitation has often been characterized as a trial marriage and about 40% lead to marriage within two years and about 60% eventually culminate in marriage between the cohabiting partners (Bumpass and Sweet, 1989). However, marriages formed after cohabitation are rated as less stable and result in more divorces than marriages not preceded by living together (Axinn and Thornton, 1992; Brown and Booth, 1996; Clarkberg, Stolzenberg, and Waite, 1995; DeMaris and MacDonald, 1993; DeMaris and Rao, 1992; Lillard, Brien, and Waite, n.d.; Popenoe, 1993; and Thomson and Colella, 1992). Cohabitation thus "does not seem to serve very well the function of a trial marriage... (Popenoe, 1993)."
Those who are cohabiting have fewer sexual partners than those who are unmarried and not cohabitating. However, people who are cohabitating have more sexual partners than married couples (Waite and Joyner, 1996). For example on the 1993-94 GSS the married averaged 0.97 partners last year, the never married who were cohabiting had 1.38 partners, and the non-cohabitating never married had 1.63 partners. That fact coupled with the transitory state of most cohabitations makes living together riskier than marriage when it comes to STDs (Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989; Kost and Forrest, 1992).
Non-marital Births
With the link between sexual activity and marriage breaking down, the connection between marriage and procreation has also lessened. In the 1960s (and presumably before) when premarital sexual intercourse resulted in conception, the women's pregnancy usually in turn led to a marriage before the child was born (Table 4). Since then, the propensity of unmarried parents to marry before the birth of their child has steadily fallen. By the 1990s less than 25% of women who conceived children before marriage got married before their child's birth.
As a result of the higher level of premarital sexual activity and the decline in marriages after a conception but prior to birth, there has been a large increase in out-of-marriage births (Miller and Heaton, 1991 and Table 5). In 1960 only 5% of all births were to unmarried women. This climbed to 14% by 1975 and 33% by 1994. Then, after over 30 years of increase, the rate leveled-off in 1994-96 at 32-33%.
The trend in the United States has been parallel to changes in culturally similar, advanced industrial nations and not unique to the US. While the percent of births to unmarried mothers climbed from 5% in 1960 to 32% in 1995 in the US, it rose from 5% to 34% in Great Britain, from 4% to 26% in Canada, and from 6% to 37% in France (Statistical Abstract, 1998).The rate of increase has been much greater for Whites than for Blacks. For Whites the percent of unmarried births has expanded ten-fold from 2.3% of all births in 1960 to 23.7% in 1996, while the Black level grew by just over three-fold from 21.6% in 1960 to 70.4% in 1994. While the Black to White ratio has fallen from a little over 9:1 in 1960 to under 3:1 in the 1990s, the gap between Blacks and Whites has risen from 19 percentage points in 1960 to 44-46 percentage points from 1980 to 1996 (with a peak in 1993). This means that almost a majority of White or Black mothers would have to change their marital status to equal that of the other race. The cumulative difference between Whites and Blacks is further shown by the fact that by ages 30-34 only 23% of never-married, White women have given birth, while 69% of never-married, Black women have had a child (Bachu, 1991 & 1995; Loomis and Landale, 1994).
While both Whites and Blacks have a greater proportion of births occurring outside of marriage, they have achieved the gains through decidedly different paths (Table 5). For Whites the unmarried birth rate (number of births to unmarried women per 1,000 unmarried women ages 15-44) rose throughout the period. It increased more than 4 times from 9 in 1960 to 38 in 1994-95. For Blacks their rate was quite variable over time. It fell from 98 in 1960 to 79 in 1985 before climbing again to 91-93 in 1989-90 - still below their birth rate in the 1960s. In the early-1990s the Black unmarried birth rate then again declined, falling to 76 in 1996.
In addition, there is also a high level of unintended births (Abma et al., 1997 and Williams, 1991). Of women 15-44 in 1995 who have had a child, 28% reported that they had an unintended birth and this reached 36% for women 40-44. Of those with an unintended birth, 80% reported the birth as mistimed and 20% as unwanted.
In brief, over the last century premarital sexual activity has become more widespread, sexual initiation has started at younger ages, the period of premarital sexual activity has lengthened, and the number of premarital sexual partners increased. This expansion in premarital sexual activity in turn led to major increases in cohabitation and unmarried child bearing.
But during the 1990s a small, but historic, reversal of some of these trends occurred. The level of premarital and adolescent sexual activity levelled-off and in some aspects retreated and the proportion of births outside of marriage reached a plateau. These changes are partial rather than across the board (e.g. levels of cohabitation continue to rise) and even those behaviors that have levelled-off or reversed are at near record high rates. But even limited changes to a massive, century-long trend are highly notable and potentially important from a public health perspective.Adult and General Sexual Behavior
Compared to the amount of information available on premarital and adolescent sexual behavior, until recently there has been little scientifically reliable data on the sexual behavior of adults or of the population in general (Aral, 1994; di Mauro, 1995; and Seidman and Rieder, 1994). Moreover, the dearth of representative and credible studies has created a vacuum that has been filled by unrepresentative and incredible misinformation from popular magazines, sex gurus, and others. In this section we review what is known about extra-marital relations, sexual orientation, the frequency of sexual intercourse, and sexual inactivity.
Extra-marital Relations
There are probably more scientifically worthless "facts" on extra-marital relations than on any other facet of human behavior. Popular magazines (e.g. Redbook, Psychology Today, Cosmopolitan), advice columnists (Dear Abby and Dr. Joyce Brothers), pop- sexologists (e.g. Morton Hunt and Shere Hite) have all conducted or reported on "studies" of extra-marital relations. These studies typically find extremely high level of extra-marital activity (Reinisch, Sanders, Ziemba-Davis, 1988; Smith, 1989; Smith, 1991b; and Gibbs, Hamil, and Magruder-Habib, 1991). Hite for example reported that 70% of women married five or more years "are having sex outside of their marriage (Smith, 1988)." They also often claim that extra-marital relations have become much more common over time. Dr. Brothers (1990), for example, claims that 50% of married women now have sex outside of marriage, double the level of a generation ago.
But representative, scientific surveys (Choi, Catania, and Dolcini, 1994; Forste and Tanfer, 1996; Greeley, 1994; Greeley, Michael, and Smith, 1990; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993; Tanfer, 1994; Treas and Giesen, 1996) indicate that extramarital relations are less prevalent than pop and pseudo-scientific accounts contend (Table 6). The best estimates are that about 3-4% of currently married people have a sexual partner besides their spouse in a given year and about 15-17% of ever-married people have had a sexual partner other than their spouse while married (Michael, Laumann, and Gagnon, 1993).
There is little direct and reliable trend information on extra-marital relations before 1988. Since then, levels have not changed. Prior to then there is indirect evidence that extra-marital relations may have increased across recent generations. The figure of ever having extra-marital relations rises from 13% among those 18-29 to 21% among those 40-49 (Table 7). It then falls to 8% among those 70 and older. Since these are lifetime rates, one would normally expect them either to increase across age groups or to increase until a plateau is reached (this would be the case if few first-time, extra-marital relations were started among older adults). The drop among those 50 and older suggests that members of birth cohorts before about 1940 were less likely to engage in extra-marital relations than are spouses from more recent generations (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Greeley, 1994).
In terms of current extra-marital relations Table 7 indicates that they are more common among younger adults. This is largely a function of younger adults having been married a shorter period of time. Some recently married people have difficulty adjusting from a premarital pattern of multiple sexual partners to a monogamous partnership and in general recent marriages are more likely to end in divorce than long-term marriages. The rates of extra-marital relations are about twice as high among husbands as among wives (Table 7). Extra-marital relations are also more common among Blacks, those with lower incomes, those who attend church less frequently, those who have been separated or divorced (including those who have remarried), and those who are unhappy with their marriage. It also may be more frequent among residents of large cities, but the overall relationship with community type is statistically significant only for the last 12 months. Finally, extramarital relations in the last year are more likely to occur among the less educated, but the lifetime pattern with education is mixed and unclear.
Gender of Sexual Partners
Few debates have been so contentious as the controversy over the sexual orientation of Americans (Billy, et al., 1993; Stokes and McKirnan, 1993; Michaels, 1997; and Swann, 1993). The gay and lesbian communities have long adopted 10% as the portion of the population that is homosexual.4 However, a series of recent national studies (Table 8A) indicate that only about 2-3% of sexually active men and 1-2% of sexually active women are currently homosexual. These national American estimates are consistent with figures from local communities in the United States (Trocki, 1992; McQuillan, Ezzati-Rice, Siller, Visscher, and Hurley, 1994; Guterbock, 1993; and Rogers and Turner, 1991), indirect measurements (Aguilar and Hardy, 1991), and statistics from Great Britain, France, Norway, and Denmark (AIDS Investigators, 1992; Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings, Bradshaw, and Field, 1992; Biggar and Melbye, 1992; Melbye and Biggar, 1992; Sundet, et al., 1988; Sandfort, 1998; and Diamond, 1993)(Table 8B).
Rates of same gender contact increase as the reference period is extended. Recent figures (Table 9) indicate that 3.0% of sexually active males have had a male sexual partner in the last 12 months, 3.9% during the last five years, and 5.9% since age 18 (See also Smith, 1991a and Michael, Laumann, and Gagnon, 1993).5 As the time frame is lengthened, the % of men with only male partners declines. Over the last 12 months 2.4% are gay and 0.6% are bisexual, over the last five years it is 2.5% gay and 1.4% bisexual, and since age 18 less than 1% are gay and 4%+ bisexual.6 Most of those who report both male and female sexual partners since age 18 report only opposite gender partners during the last year (Smith, 1991a). Lesbians follow these same patterns.
There is little reliable evidence on whether sexual orientation has changed before the late 1980s.7 In terms of attitudes levels of approval of homosexuality slightly declined from 1973 to 1991, but then rose notably in 1992-98 (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Smith, 1994; and Davis and Smith, 1998). Since then, no change seems to be occurring in the sexual orientation of the public (Table 9).8
Studies of male and female homosexuality both in the United States and Europe regularly find a higher proportion of males are gay than the share of females who are lesbian (Tables 8A & 8B and Spira, Bajos, Ducot, 1994; Wells and Sell, 1990; AIDS, 1992; Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings and Field, 1994; Sandfort, 1998).9
Sexual orientation does not very much across socio-demographic groups (Table 9). The one distinctive pattern for both gays and lesbians is that they are less likely to have married. About 60% of those with a same gender partner during the last 12 months have never been married compared to the 16% of female heterosexuals and 21% of male heterosexuals who have never been married.
Second, gays, but not lesbians, are distinctive in congregating in the largest central cities. About 8.5% of men in large central cities have had a same sex partner in the last year as have 9.6% over the last 5 years and 14.7% since age 18. Rates are lowest outside of metropoitan areas.10 Lesbians, like gays, are underrepresented in non-metropolitan areas.
Third, more gays are found in the lower income categories and among Blacks. Race is unrelated to being lesbian (except weakly for the lifetime figures) and low income is only marginally related to being lesbian. This may partly reflect both homosexual activity in prisons and male, homosexual prostitution. Education does not consistently differentiate among homosexuals.
Fourth, lesbians, but not gays, are more common among younger age groups. This could indicate an increase in homosexual activity among women across cohorts (see also Rogers and Turner, 1991).
Finally, lesbians, but not gays, attend church less than heterosexuals. About 3.4% of women who rarely attend church have had a female sexual partner in the last year compared to only 1.3% of those who attend regularly.
Frequency of Sexual Intercourse
There is some evidence that the frequency of intercourse rose from the 1960s to the 1970s (Trussell and Westoff, 1980) and may have declined in the 1980s. Among teenage males 17-19 living in metropolitan areas the rate fell from 59.8 times per year in 1979 to 39.0 in 1988 (Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1990, but then among all males ages 17.5-19, it rose from 30 to 49 times per year between 1988 and 1991 (Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993). Among unmarried women ages 20-29 the rate showed a more modest decline from 59.8 in 1983 to 56.0 in 1988-93 (Tanfer and Cubbins, 1992 and GSS, 1994). However, no meaningful change has been occurring among all adults since 1988. On average adults engage in sex about 60 times per year, a little over once a week Table 10A).
The overall adult average is relatively uninformative however since the frequency of sexual intercourse varies notably across socio-demographic groups (Table 10B). The factor making the biggest difference is age. Among those 18-29 frequency averages about 84 times per year. This then falls off steadily from 64 times per year for those in their 40s to 9.8 times per year for those 70 and older. Among the married the decline is even more striking, dropping from 112 times per annum for those under 30 to 16 times per annum for those 70 and older. This age related pattern is nearly identical to one shown in the 1988 National Survey of Families and Households (Hughes and Gove, 1992) and is consistent with a large number of other studies (Call, Sprecher, and Schwartz, 1996; Feldman, Goldstein, McKinlay, Hatzichristou, and Krane, 1992; Hawton, Gath, and Day, 1994; Jasso, 1985; Jasso, 1986; Kahn and Udry, 1986; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993; Rao and VandenHeuvel, 1995; Tanfer and Cubbins, 1992; Udry, 1980; Udry, Deven, and Coleman, 1982; National Council on the Aging, 1998; and Udry and Morris, 1978).
This decline with age also occurs within marriages. First, the so-called honeymoon effect leads to the highest rates of intercourse among the recently married and those recently married tend to be younger (Greenblat, 1983; James, 1981; James, 1983). Second, biological aging reduces hormonal output and poor health in general and impotency in particular increases with age (Feldman, Goldstein, McKinlay, Hatzichristou, Krane, 1992; Leiblum, 1990; Levy, 1992; McKinlay and Feldman, 1992; Morokoff, 1988; Schiavi, 1990; Schiavi, 1992). As a result, even among couples who rate their marriages as very happy (GSS, 1994) and among those who say they are still "in love" (Greeley, 1991) frequency of intercourse declines with age.
Marital status also influences sexual activity (Table 10B). Frequency is greatest among the currently married (with those remarried slightly exceeding those in their first marriage probably because of the honeymoon effect). The never married and divorced have lower rates, probably because of less continuous and convenient availability of a partner. The widowed have by far the lowest rates, a function of their age as well as their marital status. The edge of the married over the non-married becomes even more apparent when age is taken into consideration. Activity is 25-300% greater among the married compared to the non-married at various ages. Among the married intercourse is more frequent among those who have happier marriages (Smith, 1991a; Waite and Joyner, 1996).
Husbands and wives closely agree on the frequency of intercourse in the aggregate and in most paired comparisons of partners (Bachrach, Evans, Ellison, and Stolley, 1992 and Smith, 1992a and 1992b). However, unmarried men and women differ considerably with men reporting more activity than women do (Bachrach, et al., 1992). This is true even if the surplus of widowed females is accounted for.
A multivariate analysis indicates that more sexual intercourse is separately and independently related to a) being younger, b) having been married less than 3 years, and c) rating ones marriage as happier. It is unrelated to gender with controls for these other factors (GSS, 1996).
There are little differences by race, community type, education, or income and these are mostly related to age and/or marital status.
Sexual Inactivity
Sexual inactivity takes on three distinct forms: 1) the period prior to first sexual intercourse, 2) periods of extended inactivity after first intercourse and prior to last intercourse, and 3) the possible period after last intercourse. The first has been dealt with above in the discussion of premarital sexual relations. The latter two are discussed here. They can not be readily separated from one another with the available data.
Sexual inactivity appears to have modestly declined since the early 1980s (Table 11). Both among women of childbearing age and among all adults the proportion not engaging in sex over extended periods (3-12 months) has decreased in the 1990s.
Among adults there is a u-shaped curve with sexual inactivity most frequent among the youngest and oldest adults. Sexual inactivity among the elderly is fairly common and is a function of general aging, poor health, and unavailability of a partner. As we saw in the section on frequency of sexual intercourse, sexual activity decreases markedly with age even when a partner remains available. This is a function of both a reduction in the rate of sexual intercourse among those remaining sexually active and also an increase in the proportion sexually inactive. Among those over 70 61% are not currently sexually active. Among this age group sexual abstinence reaches 33% among the married and among the non-married it hits 93% (Table 11).
Sexual inactivity is much less common among younger adults. Among the currently married only 1.5-3% of those 18-49 are sexually inactive. Almost all of this group either have poorer than average health and/or rate their marriage as unhappy (Smith, 1992; see also Donnelly, 1993 and Edwards and Booth, 1976). While 7% of married couples of all ages are sexually inactive over the last year (GSS, 1998), fully 16% of married couples have not engaged in sexual intercourse in the last four weeks (Donnelly, 1993, see also Dolcini, et al., 1993). Sexual abstinence is much higher among the non-married ranging between 16% and 27% for those under 50.
Most other socio-demographic differences are small and merely reflect underlying differences in age and/or marital status, but sexual inactivity is lower in households with higher incomes.
While there has been long-term and massive increases in all aspects of premarital and adolescent sexual activity, there is little evidence that similar changes in regards to adult or overall sexual behavior have occurred. Moreover, adult sexual behavior appears to be more restrained and traditional than it has commonly been portrayed.
The Impact of AIDS on Sexual Behavior
AIDS is a deadly and infectious disease that has mainly been transmitted through tainted blood products, sexual intercourse, and the sharing of needles by users of illegal injection drugs. With the safeguarding of the blood supply current transmission occurs largely through sexual intercourse or the sharing of needles with a HIV positive individual. The only means of restricting the spread of the disease is to have people adopt safer sexual and injecting drug use behaviors.
On the one hand, the long latency period of AIDS greatly complicates matters since infected people often are not aware that they are HIV positive and therefore pass the infection on to others. On the other hand, since the mid-1980s over 90% of the public have known that HIV is spread by sexual intercourse and knowledge about AIDS in general has grown over time (Rogers, Singer, and Imperio, 1993 and Singer, Rogers, and Corcoran, 1987).11 Given the existence of widespread, if imperfect, knowledge about the role of sexual intercourse in spreading AIDS, the question arises whether behavior has been modified in light of the known risk.
Reported Changes in Sexual Behavior
A number of studies have asked people whether they have changed their sexual behavior because of AIDS (Table 12) or have taken steps to avoid AIDS (Table 13). Early surveys in 1986-87 showed that only about 7-11% of adults reported any change. At that time these levels were commonly seen as indicating that people were either not informed about the risk of AIDS or were not reacting responsibly to the risk of AIDS. But the recent studies on sexual orientation, extra-marital relations, and sexual abstinence (Tables 6, 9, and 11) indicate that the number of people at risk was smaller than initially feared. And if relatively fewer people were engaged in risky sexual behavior, it would be understandable that few reported altering their behavior. This was directly supported by a 1987 Gallup question in which 68% reported they had not changed their behavior because they were not at risk. Likewise, the low-level of behavioral change among the married (3-12%) compared to the non-married (17.5-51%) reflects the lower level of risky behavior engaged in by married people (Table 12). Similarly, more change is reported by higher risk groups such as younger adults and Blacks.
Of people reporting a change in sexual behavior because of concern about AIDS, about 45-50% mention reducing their number of sexual partners - including having only one partner and getting married, 20-35% cite the use of condoms, 17-30% indicate they have sex less frequently or abstain completely, 10-30% say they are restricting their partners to people they know well, and less than 10% report they have stopped having sex with bisexual men or injection drug users (asked of women only).
Among all adults a number of sexual changes are reported as having been made to avoid AIDS. Monogamy and/or limiting the number of sexual partners is mentioned by about 20%, 10-12% report using condoms, and 5-7% practice abstinence (Table 13).12
Reports of behavioral change have risen somewhat over time, apparently indicating that risky sexual behaviors are increasingly being modified (Table 12) and that more people are taking precautions to avoid AIDS (Table 13) (see also Feinleib and Michael, 1998). However, since these questions have not apparently been asked after 1993, it is unknown if this trend continues. Moreover, because of the nature of retrospective questions on behavioral change both the increased trend and the reports themselves are less than ideal.13 To reliably track changes due to AIDS, time series monitoring of the relevant risk behaviors are needed. We therefore consider what changes have occurred in sexual behaviors that relate to risk of HIV infection - gay sexual activity, number of partners, familiarity between partners, and condom use.14
Homosexual Behavior
By the time AIDS was identified, its mode of transmission via sexual intercourse documented, and tests for HIV infection developed, the disease was already widespread among the gay population, especially in San Francisco and New York City. Combined efforts by gay community organizations and public health officials led to the rapid dissemination of knowledge about AIDS and the adoption of safer sex practices by gays. The result was "a dramatic decline in risk practices for HIV transmission...gay men have reduced the number of sex partners, have fewer anonymous sexual encounters, have switched from shorter to longer term relationships, and engaged in less anal intercourse or consistently used condoms (Ehrhardt, Yingling, and Warne, 1991)." Of late however, there has been little further increase in safe sex practices among homosexuals and even some back sliding among some who have tired of the diligence and restrictions required by safer sexual practices, among some minority groups, and among younger gays who did not experience the initial onslaught of the epidemic (Catania, Stone, Binson, and Dolcini, 1995; Ehrhardt, 1992; Ehrhardt, Yingling, and Warne, 1991; Goldbaum, Yu, and Wood, 1996; Kalichman, 1996; Osmond, et al., 1994; Ostrow, Beltran, and Joseph, 1994; Carballo-Dieguez and Dolezal, 1996; and Ostrow, Difranceisco, and Kalichman, n.d.). As a result, same gender sexual intercourse among men remains most frequent mode for the transmission of AIDS ("Update," 1995; Levin, 1995; and State and Local, 1997).15
Number of Partners
While the overall number of sexual partners among adults has not diminished in recent years (Table 14), some change has been occurring among teenagers and young adults (Table 1C). Among young males the number of partners was probably rising for most of the century until the early 1990s. However, the evidence is somewhat mixed for the 1980s. The mean number of lifetime partners among sexually active males 17-19 in metropolitan areas fell from 7.3 to 6.0 between 1979 and 1988, while among sexually active males ages 17.5-19 the mean number of sexual partners in the last 12 months rose from 2.0 in 1988 to 2.8 in 1991 (Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993). During the 1990s there appears to have been a decline in number of partners. The % of male high school students with a lifetime total of 4 or more partners declined from 31% in 1989 to 16% in 1997 (Table 1C and Divs. Adolescent and School Health and Health Interview Statistics, 1994a, 1994b, 1995). For young females there is less clear evidence that the long-term increase in number of partners reversed in 1990s. The YRBS data indicate year-to-year fluctuation rather than any definite trend. However, the GSS shows that from 1988-1990 to 1991-1996 the mean number of sexual partners during the last 12 months for the 18-24 age group significantly decreased from 2.4 to 1.7 (Smith, 1998).
Even if the reductions in number of partners among teenagers is real, many adolescents are still at risk of AIDS and other STDs because of having multiple partners (Anderson and Dahlberg, 1992; Beckman, Harvey, and Tiersky, 1996; Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1994; Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993; Luster and Small, 1994; Smith, 1991; Trocki, 1992; and Tubman, Windle, and Windle, 1996).
Whether the possible decline in number of partners accumulated by teenagers and young adults will translate into a lower number of lifetime sexual partners is unknown. If it does, it will reverse an expansion that began several generations ago. We can see evidence of that rise in the figures on number of sexual partners since age 18 (Table 14). The increase in the number of sexual partners from ages 18-29 to 40-59 mostly represents the accumulation of partners over ones lifetime. The sharp drop in cumulative partners for those 60 and older occurs because this age group represents a generation that came to age before the peak in premarital sexual activity described above. That is, this generation had fewer premarital partners, married relatively early, and, as a result, has accumulated a lower number of sexual partners than subsequent generations.
Among adults, having multiple sexual partners during the last year and during the last five years is most strongly associated with being young, unmarried, and male.16 It is also higher among Blacks, residents of large central cities, those with low incomes and less education, and infrequent church attenders. The adult lifetime figures show a similar pattern except that there is no relationship between income or race and number of sexual partners and the less educated have fewer partners than the better educated. The reversal of the education relations results from less educated, earlier cohorts having fewer partners than more recent and better educated cohorts have had.
Multiple partners are thus found in two main social niches, among young, unmarried adults and adolescents who have not yet "settled down" and among disadvantaged segments of society in general and among inner-city minorities in particular who also tend to lead less stable and conventionally-ordered lives (Ford and Norris, 1995 and Wagstaff, et al., 1995).
Relationship to Sexual Partners
Risk increases not only with one's number of sexual partners, but also with the casualness and transitoriness of relationships. When it comes to STDs one "sleeps not only with a partner, but with all of that partner's partners." Closer relationships are associated with (but do not guarantee) mutual monogamy, while casual relationships come without any likelihood of exclusivity.
The trends in relationships are mixed and depend on the measure and data set being examined. First, since 1988, the GSS item on relationships to sex partners during the last year shows little change in relationships between sexual partners either among all adults or among unmarried people under 40 (Table 15A). Most people are engaged in close and presumably mutually monogamous relationships as spouses or cohabiting partners, but each year 3-4% of sexual partners are pick-ups, one-night stands, prostitutes (see below), or other casual couplings. In addition, another 4-5% of partners are better known (neighbors, co-workers, long-term acquaintances), but are not considered close friends or regular partners. Second, there was a small, but statistically significant, drop in whether one was in a continuing relationship with ones most recent sexual partner from 92% in 1996 to 90% in 1998 (Table 15A). Finally, across birth cohorts or women relationship with their first sexual partner have become more casual over time (Table 15A). Of those born in 1951-55, 32% were engaged or married to their first sexual partner, 51% were going steady, 16% were less closely involved, and 1% were in other relationship. For those born in 1976-1980, 4% were engaged or married, 73% were going steady, and 23% were less connected.
More casual relationships (pick-ups, prostitutes, and acquaintances) are most prevalent among the young, unmarried, and males. They are also more common among Blacks, residents of large central cities, and those with lower incomes. Similarly, having ones last sexual encounter with someone that one did not have an "on-going relationship" with is more common among men, Blacks, the young, never married, city residents, the less educated, and infrequent church attenders (Table 15). Household income is not related to non-relational sexual encounters. "One-night stands" are equally common for Black and White males, but less frequent for Black females than for White females (Tanfer, 1994). In general, we see that those socio-demographic groups with a high number of partners also tend to have less familiar partners.
Prostitution
At a time when prostitution could be a major avenue for the spread of AIDS into uninfected areas and groups, we know little about its magnitude or how the situation has been changing. As the National Academy of Sciences' Committee on AIDS Research observed, "(I)nformation about women who work as prostitutes is scant, and knowledge of their clients is sketchier still (Miller, Turner, and Moses, 1990; see also Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989)."
Because prostitution is an illegal (except in rural Nevada) and socially stigmatized occupation, the amount of reliable information on it is limited. The only time series data come from the arrest records compiled by the FBI (Table 16). They show that the arrest rate climbed from around 30 per 100,000 total population in the early 1970s to a high of 59 in 1982 and 1983. The rate then fell back to the lower 40s by 1988 and has remained at that level since then. Whether this represents shifts in the prevalence of prostitution or variations in law enforcement efforts is unknown.
While the illegality of prostitution is probably the main barrier to accurate counts, estimates are also complicated by the prevalence of many part timers, the continual occupational turnover, and the apparent geographic mobility of prostitutes. There are some more recent and limited studies that have tried to overcome these serious problems and either to estimate the number of prostitutes or of certain types of prostitutes in given localities (Potterat, Woodhouse, Muth, and Muth, 1990; Kanouse, Berry, Duan, Lever, and Richards, 1991; and Leyland, Bernard, McKeganey, 1992) or to measure the proportion of women who have engaged in sex for pay (McQuillan and Ezzati-Rice, Siller, Visscher, and Hurley, 1994, Wyatt, Peters, and Guthrie, 1988; and Brunswick, et al., 1993). In addition, there are recent estimates of what proportion of men have engaged in paid sex.
Although all three of the community, aggregate-estimate studies were carefully done and show a high degree of consistency, all estimates of the number of prostitutes are fraught with uncertainties since they deal with what one study aptly calls a "covert" population. In addition, the Los Angeles and Glasgow estimates are by definition incomplete because they cover only street prostitutes.
# per
100,000
residentsGlasgow, Scotland 1990 Street Prostitutes 24 Los Angeles Co. 1990 Street Prostitutes 18-26 Colorado Springs 1985-88 All Prostitutes
Full-time Equivalents26
19
Surveys of general populations of women are equally limited. The studies cover sub-groups in local areas, have very small to medium sample sizes (LA=120, Harlem Panel=187, Dallas=745), use different measures, and show different levels of involvement in paid sex.
Los Angeles ca. 1985 Whites
18-36Engaged in prostitution 8% Central Harlem
Panel1989-90 Blacks
32-38Received money or drugs for sex 10.1% Dallas 1989 All
18-54Received money or drugs for sex since 1978 2.2%
In addition, two recent samples provide the first national estimates of the proportion of women involved in paid sex. A 1991 survey of 1,669 women ages 20-37 found that 2.0.% had ever had "oral, anal, or vaginal sex in exchange for money or drugs" (Tanfer, 1994) and the 1991-98 GSS of 5,700 women 18+ indicated that 1.6% of women had "had sex with a person you paid or who paid you for sex" since age 18 (GSS, 1998).
Given the differences in ages and measurements, the Dallas survey and the two national samples are in close agreement. They suggest a much higher rate of female participation than the aggregate counts (on the order of 15-20 times higher), but the two sets of estimates are not directly comparable. (Without information on duration, level of involvement, and related factors the survey estimates can not be converted into point estimates of women engaged in prostitution nor can they separate out occasional participants from full-time professionals.)
In brief, the available studies are extremely limited in number and most are unrepresentative of the United States as a whole (one study of course is not even from the United States). In particular, extrapolations from these few local studies to national estimates could well be wrong, especially if prostitution is heavily concentrated in urban centers. This possibility is supported by the fact that on the 1988-1998 GSSs 0.3% of men living in rural areas reported having sex with a prostitute during the last year, while 2.0% of those living in the 12 largest central cities reported having sex with a prostitute during the last 12 months (Table 17). In addition, the lifetime figures show a similar pattern.
Reports by men on paying for sex indicate that 0.6% of men had a prostitute for a sex partner during the last year (GSS, 1998), 5.9% within the last five years (Wells and Sell, 1990), and 16.3% at some point during the past (GSS, 1998; see also Rubin, 1990; McQuillan, Ezzati-Rice, Siller, Visscher, and Hurley, 1984).17 Unfortunately, these figures are not consistent. The five-year figures are more than twice what would be expected based on the annual figures.
In addition, comparing the annual rates to estimates of FTE prostitutes (assuming that the above urban rates can be applied nationally) comes to only 9.9 clients per prostitute.18 Thus, if the estimates of number of prostitutes are correct, this would suggest that men are underreporting their number of paid sex partners (either by not reporting partners who were prostitutes or reporting them as falling in another category such as casual dates or acquaintances). Alternatively, the number of FTE prostitutes may be overestimated.
Based on the analysis of reported contact with prostitutes during the last year and during one's lifetime (Table 17), sexual activity with prostitutes does not consistently vary by education or age. As one would expect, lifetime contact generally increases with age, but current use is unrelated to age. Lifetime contact is unrelated to education and current use has an irregular relationship. Contact is higher among those living in metropolitan areas, Blacks, those with lower incomes, veterans (probably when in military service), those who attend church less frequently, and those having gone through a divorce (it appears to be especially high among separated men). Among married men paying for sex during the last 12 months is strongly related to low marital happiness.
Use of Condoms
Undoubtedly because of the advent of AIDS and the dissemination of safer sex messages, condom use doubled from the late 1970s/early 1980s to the late 1980s (Table 18) (see also Moran et al., 1990 and Douglas, et al., 1997). From the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s just over a fifth of women used a condom at the time of their first intercourse. By the mid-1980s this had almost doubled to 42%. Similarly, in 1979 21% of teenage males reported using a condom at the time of their most recent intercourse and in 1988 the level increased to 57.5%.19 Condom use has continued to increase since then (Beckman, Harvey, and Tiersky, 1996; Catania, Binson, Dolcini, Stall, Choi, Pollack, Hudes, Canchola, Phillips, Moskowitz, and Coates, 1995; Catania, Coates, Peterson, Dolcini, Kegles, Siegel, Golden, and Fullilove, 1993; Catania, Stone, Binson, and Dolcini, 1995; Ford and Norris, 1995; Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1994; Moore, et al., 1992; Division of Epidemiology and Prevention Research, et al., 1992; Pleck, Sonenstein, and Ku, 1993; Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993; Strunin and Hingson, 1992; Piccinino and Mosher, 1998; and Peipert, Domagalski, Boardman, Daamen, McCormack, and Zinner, 1997). For example, the YRBS shows that condom use steadily increased for both males and females in the 1990s and condom use at last intercourse among never married males 15-19 grew by 10 percentage points from 1988 to 1995 (Table 18).
However, while condom use has grown appreciably, it is still far below the general and consistent use called for by safer sex practices (Kost and Forrest, 1992; Pleck, Sonenstein, and Ku, 1991; Potter and Anderson, 1993; Leigh, Morrison, Trocki, and Temple, 1994; Peterson, Catania, Dolcini, and Faigeles, 1993; Sabogal, Faigeles, and Catania, 1993; Grinstead, Faigeles, Binson, and Eversley, 1993; Catania, Coates, Golden, Dolcini, Peterson, Kegeles, Siegel, and Fullilove, 1994; Nguyet, Maheux, Beland, and Pica, 1994; Binson, Dolcini, Pollack, and Catania, 1993 and Douglas, et al., 1997). Among sexually experienced college students in 1995 only 38% reported always using a condom (Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997). Likewise, a 1991 national survey of men 20-39 found that only 26.5% of sexually active men had used a condom during the last four weeks and even among unmarried men with no regular sexual partner only 46% had used a condom during the prior month (Tanfer, Grady, Klepinger, and Billy, 1993, see also, Grady, Klepinger, Billy, and Tanfer, 1993 and Catania, et al., 1992). Similarly, among unmarried women 15-44 in 1990 with 2+ partners in the last 3 months only 16% always used condoms and 39% never did (Mosher and Pratt, 1993). Also, among both men and women 18-24 in 1996 whose most recent sexual partner was not someone they were in an ongoing relationship with only 56% had used a condom (Smith, 1998).
Condom use is higher among socio-demographic groups that have multiple, sexual partners and less committed and on-going relationships with sexual partners. Condoms are used more frequently by Blacks, the young and never married, residents of large cities, those with lower incomes, and those who attend church less regularly (Table 19). Use generally increases with education, but drops off among those with graduate degrees.
Men tend to report greater condom use than do women (especially among teens), but both men and women agree on the trends and general patterns reported here (Divs. of Reproductive Health and Adolescent and School Health, 1992; Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993; Marin, Gomez, and Hearst, 1993; Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994; Leigh, Morrison, Trocki, and Temple, 1994; Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997; and Santelli, et al., 1997). Among adults 21% of men and 18% of women reported using a condom the most recent time they had sex.
Condom use declines among youths and young adults as they age (Table 19; Sonenstein and Pleck, 1997 and Reitman, et al., 1996). This is believed to be largely because sexual relationships become more established and enduring. However, this connection has not been well-established in the studies to date.
Condom use also varies by status of sexual partner. A 1991 study of Hispanic adults and of non-Hispanic White adults living near Hispanics in the Northeast and Southwest indicated that even among those with two or more sexual partners only about 50% always used a condom with their secondary sexual partner(s) (Marin, Gomez, and Hearst, 1993). In addition, condom use is often notably lower among primary partners (i.e. spouse, cohabiting partner, or regular sexual partner) than among secondary partners (Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993; Marin, Gomez, and Hearst, 1993; Ehrhardt, Yingling, and Warne, 1991; Dolcini, et al., 1993; Lansky, Thomas, and Earp, 1998; Albert, Warner, and Hatcher, 1998; Rietmeijer, et al., 1998; and Miller, Turner, and Moses, 1990. But in contrast see Soskolne, Aral, Magder, Reed, and Bowen, 1987). This increases the chance of spreading AIDS and STDs to one's primary sexual partner.
Summary
Since early in this century the bonds between marriage and sexual activity have been unravelling. More men and women have engaged in premarital sexual intercourse, they have become sexually active at earlier ages, and they have accumulated more sexual partners. While premarital and adolescent sexual activity has grown for both men and women, the largest change has been in the sexual behavior of women. The expansion of sexual behavior has in turn led to a rise in cohabitation and a surge in non-married births, and contributed to the growth of various public health and social welfare problems (Besharov and Gardiner, 1993).
Rather than being an isolated phenomenon these changes in sexual behavior, living together, and child bearing have been part of broader social changes towards an individualistic rather than a family-center society (Glenn, 1987; Popenoe, 1993; and Smith, 1997) and towards modern rather than traditional roles for women (Firebaugh, 1990 and Simon and Landis, 1989). Moreover, there are suggestive signs that parallel shifts have occurred in other post-industrial societies. As such, the changes in American premarital and adolescent sexual behavior may result from the development of advanced economies, welfare states, and liberal governments in general rather than from any special situation peculiar to America.20
Of late however this long-term trend has moderated and in a few limited, but key, aspects reversed. First, the increase in premarital and adolescent sexual activity has ended and to some degree has waned. So far this development does not seem to have received much recognition in the mass media or among the public (Stodghill, 1998; Smith, 1998). Second, the portion of nonmarital births has levelled-off (albeit at near record levels). Third, condom use more than doubled during the last 20 years and apparently continues to grow. While there have not been decreases in all forms of risky sexual behavior in all segments of the population, these departures from the long-term trend are notable and may reflect an underlying, nascent shift in social values.
While marriage is no longer the portal into sexual activity for many Americans, it remains an important regulator of sexual behavior and thus a barrier to AIDS and other STDs. Since most married people most of the time engage in sex only with their marriage partner, marriage limits one's total number of sexual partners and reduces the spread of HIV. However, marriage may be less of a barrier than it used to be. The decline in reported rates of ever having had extra-marital relations among those 50 and over does suggest that monogamy may have declined across recent generations. But, on the other hand, there has been no decrease in disapproval of extra-marital relations (Smith, 1990; 1994 and Davis and Smith, 1998), extra-marital relations have not increased since 1988, and "affairs" are much less common than presentations in either pop and pseudo-scientific studies or the entertainment media suggest.
Of course, marriages themselves are also not as enduring as they used to be. The two-and-a-half fold growth of the divorce rate from the 1960s to the early 1980s and its continuation at near historically high levels to the present means that over half of all recent marriages will end in divorce. For most divorced people this means accumulating new sexual partners and especially for those under 50 this often means having multiple sexual partners (Stack, 1992).
Besides marital status sexual behavior is strongly influenced by age. In general, sexual activity diminishes with age with fewer people having multiple partners, less extra-marital sex, frequency of intercourse declining, and sexual abstinence increasing. Cohabitation rates also fall and non-marital births decline with age (ceasing of course for women after menopause).
There are also large differences between Whites and Blacks in their sexual behaviors (Bowser, 1992; Brewster, 1994; Sterk-Elifson, 1992; Kilmarx, et al., 1997; Peterson, Catania, Dolcini, and Faigeles, 1993; Brunswick, et al., 1993; Reitman, et al., 1996; and Quadagno, et al., 1998; but see Wyatt, 1989). Blacks become sexually active at an earlier age, accumulate more sexual partners over their lifetime, have more casual partners, are less likely to marry, have less stable and shorter-term marriages, and have many more children born outside of marriage. Black sexual and child-bearing behavior puts African-Americans at greater risk of contracting AIDS and other STDs (and Blacks do have higher HIV and STD infection rates) and contributes to such problems as single-parent families and childhood poverty.
Sexual behavior also varies by community type. Residents of large central cities have more sexual partners, more casual partners (including prostitutes), and more extra-marital relations than those living in rural areas. In addition, probably due to selective migration, gays concentrate in large cities. Overall since risk behaviors (both sexual and injection drug use) are more common in large cities and the HIV virus is more prevalent in these localities, the chances of becoming infected is especially high in large metropolitan areas (Catania, et al., 1992).
Finally, religion exercises a traditional restraint on sexual behavior (Thornton and Camburn, 1989; Seidman, Mosher, and Aral, 1992; Stack and Gundlach, 1992; Tanfer and Schoorl, 1992; and Goldscheider and Mosher, 1991; Hogan, Sun, and Cornwell, 1998; and Brewster, Cooksey, Guilkey, and Rindfuss, 1998). Those who attend church regularly are less likely to a) become sexually active, b) have multiple and casual partners, and c) among the married, have sexual partners other than their spouse. Church attendance, like rural residence, imposes traditional restraint on sexual behavior.
Given the deadly nature of AIDS, the near universal knowledge of the disease, and the widespread understanding that it is transmitted through sexual intercourse, its impact on sexual behavior has been limited. The largest changes occured among gays in large metropolitan centers who adopted considerably safer sexual practices. But the on-going spread of AIDS from male-with-male sexual contact indicates the continuing shortcomings in safer sex practices among gays.
Among the heterosexual population the largest change has been the increased use of condoms. However, condom use is incomplete and haphazard with condoms being used much less consistently than called for by safer sex standards. In addition, the small decreases in the number of partners among adolescents and youths may also result from the AIDS epidemic. But most people still have numerous premarital sexual partners and many sexual partners represent casual and short-term relationships. Moreover, it is unclear whether the somewhat moderated number of teens and young adults involved with multiple partners will lead to a reduction in the lifetime number of partners. The continuingly high level with multiple partners and the sporadic, if improved, use of condoms means that millions continue to expose themselves each year to the risk of AIDS and other STDs (Smith, 1991b; Anderson and Dahlberg, 1992; and Dolcini et al., 1993). In addition, the level of non-married births remains at near-record levels and the % of all births that are unplanned, also remains high.
In sum, contemporary patterns of sexual behavior are a source of considerable public policy concern relating to AIDS and STDs, child-bearing and child- raising, and many other social problems.
Table 1
Premarital Intercourse and Adolescent Sexual ActivityA. Sexual Experience % ever having pre-marital, heterosexual partner among ever-married Birth
CohortsMen Women Before 1910 60.8 12.3 1910-1919 73.9 28.6 1920-1929 79.7 31.4 1930-1939 87.2 40.9 1940-1949 89.5 62.9 Source: Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989 and Klassen, Williams, Levitt, Rudkin-Miniot, Miller, and Gunjal, 1989 % ever virgins at marriage: Ever married Birth
CohortsMen Women 1933-42 21.9 54.4 1943-52 15.4 28.9 1953-62 13.5 20.0 1963-74 16.3 20.1 Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 % having sex with spouse before marriage: Ever married Birth
CohortsMen Women 1933-42 32.6 30.7 1943-53 48.6 51.1 1953-62 56.3 55.9 1963-74 69.8 57.7 Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 % ever having premarital sex: Women, 15-19 All Whites Blacks 1970 28.6 26.7 46.0 1975 36.4 35.4 50.8 1980 42.0 41.4 58.1 1985 44.1 43.1 55.4 1988 51.5 50.6 58.8 Source: Divs. of Vital Statistics & STD/HIV Prevention, 1991 % ever having premarital sex: Women 15-19 in metropolitan areas 1971 30.3 26.4 53.7 1976 43.4 38.3 66.3 1979 49.8 46.6 66.2 1982 44.9 43.3 53.6 Source: Hofferth, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987 (NSYW+NSFG82) % ever having premarital sex: Women 15-19 1971 31.7 39.0 51.2 1976 39.0 36.2 56.1 1979 43.4 40.8 61.6 1982 45.2 43.1 56.5 Source: Hoffert, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987 (NSFG82) % ever having premarital sex: Males 17-19 in Metropolitan Areas 1979 65.7 64.5 71.1 1988 75.5 73.0 87.7 Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1989 % ever having sex with female: Never-married males, age 17.5-19 1988 75.0 1991 78.6 Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 % ever having sex: High school students All Whites Blacks Men Women 1989 59 ---- ---- ---- ---- 1990 54.2 51.6 72.3 60.8 48.0 1991 54.1 50.0 81.4 57.4 50.8 1993 53.0 48.4 79.7 55.6 50.2 1995 53.1 48.9 73.4 54.0 52.1 1997 48.4 43.6 72.7 48.8 47.7 Source: Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of Epidemiology and Prevention; Adolescent and School Hlth.; and Reproductive Hlth., 1992; "Youth Risk Behavior Survey," 1995; and Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995; Division of Adolescent and School Health, et al., 1998; Kann, et al., 1998; and Warren, et al., 1998. % sexually active: Women, 15-19 1985 44.7 1990 51.3 1995 51.1 Source: Hogan, Sun, and Cornwell, 1998 % ever had sex: Females, 15-19 1970 29 1975 36 1982 47 1988 53 1990 55 1995 50 Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 % ever had sex with female: Males, 15-19 1988 60.4 1995 55.2 Source: Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, and Pleck, 1998 % sexually active during last 3 months: High school students All Males Females 1990 39.4 42.5 36.4 1991 37.4 36.8 38.2 1993 37.5 37.5 37.5 1995 37.9 35.5 40.4 1997 34.8 33.4 36.5 Source: Div. of Adolescent and School Health, et al., 1998; and Warren, et al., 1997 % with sex partners before age 18, Adults in 1992 Birth
CohortsMen Women 1933-42 41.5 18.5 1943-52 47.6 20.3 1953-62 53.3 41.2 1963-74 60.3 52.8 Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 % ever having sex: High school students 1994 41-42 Source: "Teens Talk," 1994 % ever had sexual intercourse: College Students, 18-24 1995 79.5 Source: Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997 % ever had sexual intercourse with Female, Males, 15-19 1995 68.1-63.9 Note: First number is from self-completion using paper. Second number is from audio-computer assisted, self-completion. Source: Turner, et al., 1998 % ever had sexual intercourse: Ages 13-18 All Males Females 1997 31 36 26 Source: National Survey of Teens, 1998 B. Sexual Experience by Age % reporting premarital, heterosexual intercourse by ages 16 and 18 Birth Men Women Cohorts 16 18 16 18 Pre-1900 24.0 36.8 2.7 3.3 1900-1909 23.9 40.2 4.8 6.5 1910-1919 28.7 51.3 6.3 9.6 1920-1929 45.0 66.1 4.9 12.4 1930-1939 47.4 69.1 10.0 21.0 1940-1949 50.2 76.6 19.1 37.2 Source: Klassen, et al., 1989 % reporting premarital sexual intercourse by ages 16/18, women in 1982 Birth Cohorts 16 18 1938-40 7.4 23.0 1941-43 7.4 22.7 1944-46 7.1 22.6 1947-49 10.1 29.3 1950-52 6.6 26.9 1953-55 14.5 43.1 1956-58 17.9 45.5 1959-61 18.9 46.4 1962-64 23.1 54.0 Source: Hofferth, Kahn, and Baldwin, 1987 % sexually experienced at ages 15 and 17, Women 15 17 1970 4.6 32.3 1975 9.8 36.6 1980 16.7 35.5 1985 20.0 41.7 1988 25.6 51.0 Source: Divs. of Vital Statistics & STD/HIV Prevention, 1991 Median Age at First Intercourse: High School Students All Males Females 1990 16.4 16.0 16.8 1991 16.5 16.3 16.6 1993 16.4 16.3 16.6 1995 16.5 16.4 16.5 Source: Warren, et al., 1997 % sexually experienced by grade level: High School Students 9th 10th 11th 12th 1997 38.0 42.5 49.7 60.9 Source: Kann, et al., 1998 % sexually experienced at ages 15 and 17, teenagers in 1986 15 17 Males 35 61 Females 22 53 Source: Taylor, Kagay, and Leichenko, 1986 % sexual experienced by ages 15-19, ages 19-27 in 1984 Males Females 15 17.5 6.6 16 29.5 14.5 17 49.0 30.2 18 65.4 47.2 19 78.7 65.7 Source: Marsiglio and Mott, 1986 % having had sexual intercourse by ages 12-18, Male Teens in 1988 12 5.4 13 11.0 14 21.1 15 37.8 16 57.5 17 67.5 18 79.0 Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1990 % having had sexual intercourse by ages 12-17: Teens 12-17 in 1990 Men Women 12 5 0 13 6 3 14 24 3 15 29 37 16 48 48 17 67 56 Source: Leigh, Morrison, Trocki, and Temple, 1994 % ever had sexual intercourse by grades: High School Students, 1993 Men Women 9th 43.5 31.6 10th 47.4 44.9 11th 59.5 55.1 12th 70.2 66.3 All 55.6 50.2 Source: "Youth Risk Behavior Survey," 1995 % ever had sexual intercourse, Ages 14-21 14-17 14-19 14-21 18-21 1992 43.4 45.4 63.0 81.7 Source: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b % ever had sex, Females, 15-44: 1995 All 89.3 15 22.1 16 38.0 17 51.1 18 65.4 19 75.5 20-24 88.6 25-29 95.9 30-44 98.2 Source: Abma, et al., 1997 % ever had sex, Females, 15-19: 1995 All 52 15 25 16 39 17 42 18 66 19 77 Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 Mean age at first sexual intercourse, Women All Whites Blacks 1965-69 19.0 19.2 17.7 1970-74 18.6 18.8 17.0 1975-79 18.2 18.3 16.9 Source: Bachrach and Horn, 1987 Mean age at first sexual intercourse: Males 17.5-19 1988 15.4 1991 15.2 Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 Mean Age at First Intercourse: Women 15-44 in 1995 All 17.8 20-24 16.6 25-29 17.5 30-34 17.8 35-39 18.0 40-44 18.6 Note: Based on women who ever had intercourse after menarche.
Source: Abma, et al., 1997C. Number of Sexual Partners % of ever-married with two or more heterosexual partners before first marriage Birth Cohorts Men Women Pre-1910 49.2 3.3 1910-1919 61.2 8.5 1920-1929 70.1 11.8 1930-1939 72.9 16.5 1940-1949 72.6 25.8 Source: Turner, Miller, and Moses, 1989 and Klassen, Williams, Levitt, Rudkin-Miniot, Miller, and Gunjal, 1989 Lifetime Total Number of Sexual Partners among Sexually Active Women, 15-19 in Metropolitan Areas 1 2-3 4-5 6+ 1971 62% 25 7 7 1976 53% 28 9 11 1979 49% 35 8 8 1988 39% 31 17 14 Source: Kost and Forrest, 1992 Mean Number of Total Lifetime Sexual Partners among Sexually Active Men, 17-19 in Metropolitan Areas 1979 7.3 1988 6.0 Prob. sig. Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1991 Number of Sexual Partners in Last 12 Months among Sexually Experienced: Men, 17.5-19 Mean % 5+ Partners 1988 2.0 6.3 1991 2.8 10.7 Prob. <.05 <.01 Source: Ku, Sonenstein, Pleck, 1993 % with 2+ and 4+ Sexual Partners in Lifetime, High School Students 2+ 4+ All Men Women All Men Women 1989 40.1 46.7 33.4 23.6 31.1 16.0 1990 36.3 43.6 29.4 19.0 26.7 11.8 1991 35 ---- ---- 18.7 23.4 13.8 1993 ---- ---- ---- 18.8 22.3 15.0 1995 ---- ---- ---- 17.8 20.9 14.4 1997 ---- ---- ---- 16.0 17.6 14.1 Source: Anderson, Kann, Holtzman, Arday, Truman, and Kolbe, 1990; Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of Epidemiology and Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; and Reproductive Health, 1992; Holtzman, Lowry, Kann, Collins, and Kolbe, 1994; "Youth Risk Behavior Survey," 1995; Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995; Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1998; Warren, et al., 1997 % with 4+ sex partners, Ages 14-21 1992 14-17 13.3 14-19 15.9 14-21 63.0 18-21 41.3 Sources: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b % with 4+ sex partners, High School Students 1993 9th 10.9 10th 15.9 11th 19.9 12th 27.0 All 18.8 Sources: Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995 Mean Number of Lifetime Sexual Partners, High School Students 1994 All 1.1 Sexual Experienced 2.7 Source: "Teens Talk," 1994 % with 6+ lifetime sex partners: College students, 19-24 1995 25.7 Source: Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997 % 5+ Female sexual partners, Males, 15-19 1995 15.8-18.8 Note: First number is from self-completion using paper. Second number is from audio-computer assisted, self-completion. Source: Turner, et al., 1998 % with 4+ lifetime sexual partners: 13-18 1997 All 7 Males 11 Female 3 Source: National Survey of Teens, 1997 % with various number of sexual partners during last 12 months, Females in Midwestern state in grades 7-12, 1992-96 0 72.5% 1 14.8 2 5.2 3 2.9 4+ 4.7 Source: Luster and Small, 1997
Table 2
Trends in Cohabitation% for whom first union was cohabitation: Ever in union Birth Cohorts Men Women 1933-42 16.4 6.9 1943-52 30.3 21.8 1953-62 53.1 42.4 1963-74 65.7 64.0 Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 Cohabitators as % of ... All Couples All Households All Adults 1960 1.1 0.8 1970 1.1 0.8 1975 1.8 1.2 1977 2.0 1.3 1978 2.3 1.5 1980 3.1 2.0 1981 3.5 2.2 1982 3.6 2.2 1983 3.6 2.3 1984 3.8 2.3 1985 3.7 2.3 1986 4.1 2.5 3.5 1987 4.3 2.6 4.0 1988 4.7 2.8 1989 5.0 3.0 1990 5.1 3.1 1991 5.4 3.2 1992 5.8 3.5 1993 6.1 3.6 4.2 1994 6.3 3.8 4.3 1995 6.3 3.7 --- 1996 6.8 4.0 6.0 1997 7.0 4.1 --- 1998 --- --- 6.4 Sources: Glick and Spanier, 1980; Spanier, 1983; Thornton, 1988; Current Population Surveys, 1987-1997; GSS, 1998 % cohabited with present spouse before marriage 1988 23.4 1994 28.0 Source: GSS, 1994a % Currently
Cohabitating% Ever Cohabited % Cohabited prior
to First MarriageWomen, 15-44 1988 5 34 25 1995 7 41 24 Source: see Table 3 and Abma, et al., 1997. aThe General Social Surveys (GSSs) of the National Opinion Research Center, University of Chicago, are full-probability, in-person surveys of adults living in households in the United States. They have included a self-completion form on sexual behavior since 1988. Sample sizes are 1988=1390, 1989=1401, 1990=1173, 1991=1296, 1993=1492, 1994=2791, 1996=2657, and 1998=2585. For more details see Davis and Smith, 1998. Unless figures are broken down by year, all GSSs have been pooled together to cover all years.
Table 3
Levels of CohabitationA. By Age Groups % Currently
Cohabiting% Ever Cohabited % Cohabited prior
to First MarriageAll Adults 4 25 17 19-24 8 25 24 25-29 8 42 36 30-34 6 45 36 35-39 4 35 22 40-44 4 28 14 45-49 3 20 7 50-59 1 14 5 60+ - 6 2 Source: Bumpass and Sweet, 1989 All Women in 1988, 15-44 5 34 25 15-19 8 8 20-24 32 30 25-29 45 39 30-34 45 33 35-39 38 24 40-44 26 12 Source: London, 1991; Forrest and Singh, 1990 All Women in 1995, 15-44 7 41 24 15-19 4 9 2 20-24 11 38 17 25-29 10 49 30 30-34 8 51 34 35-39 5 50 31 40-44 4 43 23 Source: NCHS, 1997 B. Socio-demographic Groups % Currently
Cohabiting
(1993-98)% cohabited with
present spouse
(1988, 94)Gender Men 5.9 27.4 Women 4.9 24.3 Prob. .021 ns Race Whites 5.2 25.1 Blacks 6.0 32.3 Prob. ns ns Age 18-29 9.4 43.7 30-39 7.6 43.7 40-49 4.3 25.1 50-59 2.4 10.3 60-69 2.1 5.9 70+ 0.8 5.7 Prob. .000 .000 Marital Status Married 0.7 19.4 Widowed 2.9 ---- Divorced 16.2 ---- Separated 8.4 ---- Never Married 12.3 ---- Remarried 1.4 49.6 Prob. .000 .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 5.4 28.4 Top 100 Central Cities 6.3 36.1 Suburbs of Top 12 4.0 25.8 Suburbs of Top 100 6.4 27.1 Other Urban 5.2 23.2 Rural 4.0 21.0 Prob. .012 .007 Education Less than High School 5.5 24.2 High School Grad. 6.0 26.9 Assoc. Col. Degree 5.1 29.5 Bachelor's Degree 4.2 22.2 Graduate Degree 2.7 26.0 Prob. .001 ns Household Income Less than $10,000 9.1 26.4 $10,000-19,999 7.6 24.5 $20,000-29,999 8.0 27.6 $30,000-39,999 5.5 30.2 $40,000-59,999 4.2 23.8 $60,000+ 2.1 26.2 Refused 2.2 13.5 Prob. .000 ns Church Attendance Rarely 8.0 37.5 Occasionally 4.6 27.9 Regularly 2.4 12.4 Prob. .000 .000 Source: GSS, 1998
Table 4
Marital Status at Time of Conception and Birth of ChildA. CPS Retrospective Study, First Births 1960-64 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-84 1985-89 Not married at birth 12.7 14.5 17.8 22.3 24.4 28.5 Married at birth; not at conception 13.9 15.7 14.5 11.1 11.1 10.4 Married at birth and conception 73.4 69.8 67.7 66.6 64.6 61.1 % of first births conceived before marriage, but born after marriage 52.2 52.0 44.9 33.2 31.3 26.6a aRow 2/(Row 1 + Row 2) Source: Bachu, 1991 B. Natality Surveys, First Births 1964-66 1972 1980 Not married at birth 14.6 19.0 25.1 Not married at conception; married at birth 18.9 10.0 12.3 Married at birth and conception 66.6 70.9 62.6 % of first births conceived before, but born after, marriage 56.6 34.4 32.9 Source: Ventura, 1987 C. National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) Retrospective Reports % of children conceived before, but born after, marriage Before
19731973-
19811982-
1988All 47.7 30.0 23.7 Whites 64.2 43.3 37.7 Blacks 20.9 10.1 6.9 Source: Bachrach, Stolley, and London, 1992 % of children conceived before, but born after, marriage Before
19801980-
19841985-
19891990-
199544.5 36.9 26.2 23.6 Source: Abma, et al., 1997
Table 5
Trends in Out-of-Marriage Births% of All Births to Unmarried Mothers Birth Rates for Unmarried Mothers 1960 5.3 21.6a 1965 7.7 23.5 1970 10.7 26.5 1975 14.2 24.5 1980 18.4 29.4 1985 22.0 32.8 1986 23.4 34.3 1987 24.5 36.1 1988 25.7 38.6 1989 27.1 41.8 1990 28.0 43.8 1991 29.5 45.2 1992 30.1 45.2 1993 31.0 45.3 1994 32.6 46.9 1995 32.2 45.1 1996 32.4 44.6 Whites Blacks Whites Blacks 1960 2.3 21.6b 9.2 98.3b 1965 4.0 26.3 11.6 97.6 1970 5.7 37.6 13.9 95.5 1975 7.3 48.8 12.4 84.2 1980 11.0 55.2 17.6 81.4 1985 14.5 60.1 21.8 78.8 1986 15.7 61.2 23.2 80.9 1987 16.7 62.2 24.6 84.7 1988 17.7 63.5 26.6 88.9 1989 19.0 64.5 29.9 93.1 1990 20.1 65.2 31.8 93.9 1991 21.8 67.9 34.6 89.5 1992 22.6 68.1 35.2 86.5 1993 23.6 68.7 35.9 84.0 1994 25.4 70.4 38.3 82.1 1995 25.3 69.9 37.5 75.9 1996 25.7 69.8 ---- ---- aNumber of births to unmarried women per 1,000 unmarried women age 15-44. bIn 1960 and 1965 figures are for non-Whites. This slightly underestimates the rate for Blacks only. Source: Statistical Abstracts
Table 6
Trends in Extra-Marital Sexual Relations% Having Sexual Relations with Person other than Spouse during Last 12 Months (Currently Married) % Ever Having Sexual Relations with Person Other than Spouse While Married (Ever Married) All Men Women All Men Women 1988 3.9 5.0 2.8 --- --- --- 1989 3.6 5.8 1.7 --- --- --- 1990 3.8 5.3 2.3 --- --- --- 1991 4.4 5.4 3.4 14.6 21.3 10.0 1993 2.9 4.1 1.9 16.3 21.0 12.8 1994 2.4 3.6 1.3 15.4 21.2 11.0 1996 3.8 5.2 2.5 17.8 22.1 14.4 1998 3.6 4.9 2.5 16.5 20.8 13.4 Prob. ns ns ns ns ns .036 Source: GSS, 1998 % reporting extramarital sexual relations: Ever married Birth Cohorts Men Women 1933-42 37.0 12.4 1943-52 31.4 19.9 1953-62 20.5 14.5 1963-74 7.1 11.7 Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 % reporting extramarital sexual relations in last 12 months:
Currently Married, 18-75Men Women 1990/91 2.9 1.5 Source: Choi, Catania, and Dolcini, 1994
Table 7
Extra-Marital Sexual Relations by Socio-demographic Groups% Having Sexual Relations with Person other than Spouse during Last 12 Months (Currently Married) % Ever Having Sexual Relations with Person Other than Spouse While Married (Ever Married) Gender Men 4.8 21.3 Women 2.2 12.5 Prob. .000 .000 Race Whites 3.0 15.5 Blacks 8.3 23.0 Prob. .000 .000 Age 18-29 6.7 12.6 30-39 3.1 14.5 40-49 4.4 20.7 50-59 3.1 20.0 60-69 0.8 16.3 70+ 1.1 8.3 Prob. .000 .000 Marital Status Married 3.0 10.2 Widowed --- 10.6 Divorced --- 30.9 Separated --- 39.7 Never Married --- ---- Remarried 4.7 22.3 Prob. .000 .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 5.2 17.9 Top 100 Central Cities 3.9 18.7 Suburbs of Top 12 3.2 14.8 Suburbs of Top 100 2.7 16.8 Other Urban 3.7 16.0 Rural 2.5 14.4 Prob. .044 .075 Education Less than High School 5.1 14.4 High School Grad. 3.4 17.4 Assoc. Col. Degree 3.3 16.0 Bachelor's Degree 2.3 13.8 Graduate Degree 3.2 17.6 Prob. .003 .009 Household Income Less than $10,000 6.4 19.2 $10,000-19,999 5.6 18.1 $20,000-29,999 3.7 17.5 $30,000-39,999 2.8 17.5 $40,000-59,999 3.4 14.9 $60,000+ 2.8 16.7 Refused 2.4 9.8 Prob. .000 .001 Church Attendance Rarely 3.8 20.9 Occasionally 4.3 16.4 Regularly 2.1 10.3 Prob. .000 .000 Marital Satisfaction Very Happy 2.4 10.2 Pretty Happy 4.4 17.5 Not Too Happy 15.2 27.2 Prob. .000 .000 Source: GSS, 1998
Table 8A
A Summary of Estimates of the Percent of
Adult Americans with Same Gender Sexual PartnersA. Men Dates Ages/Group Level Definition 1970 21+ 1.6-2.0 1+ male sexual partners in last 12 months 1985 18+ 3.7 "sexually attracted to members of ... your own sex" + volunteered responses of attracted to both opposite and same sex or bisexual 1987 18-44 6 homosexual or bisexual orientationa 1988 16-54 4.4-6.2 1+ male sexual partners in last 5 yearsb 1988-98 18+ 3.0 1+ male sexual partners in last 12 months (sexually active) 3.9 1+ male sexual partners in last 5 years (sexually active) 1990a 18+ 1 identifies as "gay"c 1990-91 18-49 6.5 1+ male sexual partners in last 5 years 1991 20-39 2.3 1+ male sexual partners in last 10 years (sexually active only) 1.1 Only male sexual partners in last 10 years (sexually active only) 1992a 18-59 2.7 1+ male sexual partner in last 12 months 4.1 1+ males sexual partner in last 5 years 6.4 1+ males sexual partners since puberty 1992b Voters 3.3 Self-identified as "Gay/lesbian/bisexual"d B. Women 1988 16-54 2.9-3.6 1+ female sexual partners in last 5 yearsb 1988-98 18+ 2.0 1+ female sexual partners in last 12 months (sexually active) 2.9 1+ female sexual partners in last 5 years (sexually active) 1992a 18-59 1.3 1+ female sexual partner in the last 12 months 2.2 1+ female sexual partner in the last 5 years 3.5 1+ female sexual partners since puberty 1992b Voters 2.3 Self-identified as "Gay/lesbian/bisexual"d C. Men and Women 1990b 18+ 2 Sexual orientation not heterosexual Notes: aPeter D. Hart Research Associates (9/87) "How would you define your sexuality - are you homosexual, bisexual, or heterosexual in your orientation?" bThe lower estimate is reported in Taylor, 1993 and the higher estimate in Sell, Wells, and Wypji, 1995. cPeter D. Hart Research Associates (4/90) "And for statistical purposes only, could you tell me whether or not you are gay?" (men only) dFrom VRS presidential exit poll. Sources: 1970: Rogers and Turner, 1991; 1985: Harry, 1990; 1987: Hart Survey - see notes; 1988: Taylor, 1993 and Sell, Wells, and Wypji, 1995; 1988-96: Davis and Smith, 1998 and see Table 9; 1990a: Hart Survey - see notes; 1990b: Leigh, Temple, and Trocki, 1993; 1990-91: Binson, Michaels, Stall, Coates, Gagnon, and Catania, 1995; 1991: Billy, et al., 1993; and 1992a: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michaels, 1994 and Michaels, 1997; 1992b: Edelman, 1993.
Table 8B
A Summary of Estimates of the Percent of
Adult Europeans with Same Gender Sexual PartnersA. Men Ever Last ___ Years Five Three One Great Britain 3.6 1.4 --- 1.1 France 4.1 1.4 --- 1.1 Denmark 2.7 --- --- --- Norway 3.5 --- 0.9 --- Belguim 6.1 --- --- 1.6 The Netherlandsa 13.4 --- --- 6.3 B. Women Great Britain 1.7 0.6 --- 0.4 France 2.6 0.4 --- 0.3 Denmark 3.4-4.3 --- --- --- Norway 3.0 --- 0.9 --- Belguim 2.4 --- --- 0.7 The Netherlands 4.7 --- --- 0.6 Great Britain: Ages 16-59 in 1990-91 (Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings, and Field, 1994 and Michael, Wadsworth, Feinleib, Johnson, Laumann, and Wellings, 1998) France: ages 18-69 in 1991-92 (AIDS Investigators, 1993)
Denmark: Ages 18-59 in 1989 (Melbye and Biggar, 1992) Norway: ages 18-60 in 1987 (Sundet, et al., 1988) Belguim: ages 18-49 in 1993 (Sandfort, 1998) The Netherlands: ages 18-49 in 1989 (Sandfort, 1998) aThe rates are much higher in the Netherlands because broader criteria were used, e.g. "Have you ever had sexual contact with a boy or man? By sexual contact we mean at least masturbation or jacking off."
Table 9
Gender of Sexual Partners
(Sexually active only)A. Trends Last 12 Months Same Gender Both Genders Opposite Gender Men Women Men Women Men Women 1988 2.3% 0.2% 0.3 0.0 97.4 99.8 1989 1.4% 1.2% 0.3 0.4 98.3 98.4 1990 1.1% 0.5% 0.9 0.0 98.0 99.5 1991 2.0% 0.3% 0.7 0.1 97.3 99.6 1993 1.8% 1.8% 0.3 0.4 97.9 97.8 1994 2.1% 2.1% 0.5 0.4 97.5 97.5 1996 3.5% 2.1% 0.6 0.9 96.0 97.0 1998 3.3% 2.3% 1.2 0.8 95.5 96.9 Prob. .038 .001 Last 5 Years Same Gender Both Genders Opposite Gender Men Women Men Women Men Women 1991 2.1% 0.5% 1.8 0.7 96.1 98.8 1993 1.6% 1.2% 0.6 1.4 97.8 97.4 1994 2.4% 1.8% 1.2 1.3 96.3 96.9 1996 3.1% 2.0% 1.9 1.5 94.9 96.4 1998 2.7% 1.9% 1.4 1.5 95.9 96.6 Prob. .280 .284 B. Distribution by Reference Periods Last 12 Months Last 5 Years Since Age 18 Men Women Men Women Men Women Same Gender 2.4 1.5 2.5 1.6 5.9 4.6 Both Genders 0.6 0.5 1.4 1.3 No Same Gender 97.0 98.0 96.0 97.0 96.1 95.4 Source: GSS, 1998 C1. Socio-demographic Differences Among Men % with Same Gender Partner Last 12 Months Last 5 Years Since Age 18 Race Whites 2.7 3.7 5.4 Blacks 5.3 6.3 10.0 Prob. .003 .018 .000 Age 18-29 3.5 4.6 6.2 30-39 3.6 4.7 6.0 40-49 2.8 3.9 5.6 50-59 2.4 3.0 5.5 60-69 1.9 2.4 6.2 70+ 1.7 3.2 5.4 Prob. .101 .152 .000 Marital Status Married 1.3 1.5 3.7 Widowed 7.7 7.6 8.3 Divorced 3.0 3.7 6.0 Separated 4.0 5.3 6.4 Never Married 8.1 10.2 11.2 Remarried 0.8 1.8 3.3 Prob. .000 .000 .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 8.5 9.6 14.7 Top 100 Central Cities 5.6 6.7 8.3 Suburbs of Top 12 2.6 3.7 5.5 Suburbs of Top 100 2.4 3.5 5.9 Other Urban 1.9 2.4 4.2 Rural 1.5 3.1 4.0 Prob. .000 .000 .000 Education Less than High School 3.1 4.1 5.6 High School Grad. 2.6 3.7 5.9 Assoc. Col. Degree 2.4 3.5 4.9 Bachelor's Degree 4.2 5.0 6.2 Graduate Degree 3.3 3.7 6.4 Prob. .004 .150 .012 Household Income Less than $10,000 6.1 8.6 9.4 $10,000-19,999 4.6 5.6 8.2 $20,000-29,999 4.0 5.7 6.9 $30,000-39,999 2.2 2.9 5.5 $40,000-59,999 2.7 3.7 5.0 $60,000+ 1.1 1.5 3.3 Refused 2.7 2.7 4.8 Prob. .000 .000 .000 Church Attendance Rarely 2.7 4.1 5.9 Occasionally 2.5 3.5 5.6 Regularly 3.0 4.2 6.2 Prob. .722 .873 .000 C2. Socio-demographic Differences Among Women % with Same Gender Partner Last 12 Months Last 5 Years Since Age 18 Race Whites 2.1 2.8 4.3 Blacks 1.8 2.7 6.2 Prob. .956 .805 .041 Age 18-29 2.6 4.2 5.7 30-39 2.1 3.0 5.6 40-49 2.5 3.4 5.2 50-59 0.8 1.0 2.4 60-69 1.4 1.7 2.8 70+ 0.5 2.4 2.1 Prob. .005 .000 .000 Marital Status Married 0.8 1.5 2.7 Widowed 2.9 2.9 2.5 Divorced 3.8 4.9 6.5 Separated 2.7 4.2 8.4 Never Married 5.2 6.6 8.6 Remarried 1.0 1.6 3.7 Prob. .000 .000 .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 1.8 2.9 6.1 Top 100 Central Cities 3.1 3.5 6.3 Suburbs of Top 12 2.4 4.0 5.7 Suburbs of Top 100 2.6 3.5 5.4 Other Urban 1.7 2.3 3.4 Rural 0.6 1.3 3.1 Prob. .026 .028 .002 Education Less than High School 2.5 4.2 5.8 High School Grad. 1.8 2.7 4.1 Assoc. Col. Degree 2.7 3.6 4.4 Bachelor's Degree 1.7 2.1 4.0 Graduate Degree 3.3 4.7 7.8 Prob. .336 .135 .001 Household Income Less than $10,000 3.2 4.9 6.5 $10,000-19,999 2.5 3.3 5.6 $20,000-29,999 2.8 4.1 5.8 $30,000-39,999 1.8 3.0 4.3 $40,000-59,999 1.4 2.2 3.1 $60,000+ 1.6 2.0 3.7 Refused 1.7 2.5 3.8 Prob. .042 .006 .026 Church Attendance Rarely 3.4 4.7 6.6 Occasionally 1.3 2.2 4.3 Regularly 1.3 2.1 2.9 Prob. .000 .000 .000 Source: GSS, 1998
Table 10
Frequency of Sexual Intercourse
(Mean number of times per year)A. Trends All Adults 1989 59.5 1990 61.4 1991 60.9 1993 61.4 1994 59.6 1996 65.3 1998 59.1 Prob. .036 Source: GSS, 1998 Males 17.5-19 (sexually active) 1988 30.0 1991 49.1 Prob. <.001 Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 Married Couples, 19+ 1987-88 76.3 Source: Call, Sprecher, and Schwartz, 1995 B. Socio-demographic Groups Gender Men 65.5 Women 57.5 Prob. .000 Race Whites 60.9 Blacks 62.7 Prob. .340 Mean Number
per YearAge 18-29 82.6 30-39 78.6 40-49 63.6 50-59 47.4 60-69 27.4 70+ 9.8 Prob. .000 Marital Status Married 66.1 Widowed 11.6 Divorced 56.3 Separated 68.9 Never Married 58.6 Remarried 73.9 Prob. .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 58.2 Top 100 Central Cities 61.2 Suburbs of Top 12 61.4 Suburbs of Top 100 65.0 Other Urban 60.5 Rural 59.6 Prob. .112 Education Less than High School 51.2 High School Grad. 63.7 Assoc. Col. Degree 71.5 Bachelor's Degree 61.5 Graduate Degree 53.2 Prob. .000 Household Income Less than $10,000 55.0 $10,000-19,999 59.8 $20,000-29,999 62.8 $30,000-39,999 65.1 $40,000-59,999 63.9 $60,000+ 64.1 Refused 49.2 Prob. .000 Church Attendance Rarely 66.6 Occasionally 62.9 Regularly 50.6 Prob. .000 Marital Satisfaction
(currently married)Very happy 73.6 Pretty happy 59.4 Not to happy 51.1 Prob. .000 Married 18-29 111.6 30-39 85.7 40-49 69.2 50-59 53.8 60-69 32.5 70+ 16.2 Prob. .000 Not Married 18-29 69.1 30-39 65.6 40-49 49.8 50-59 31.2 60-69 15.7 70+ 2.6 Prob. .000 Men 18-29 82.2 30-39 79.6 40-49 67.6 50-59 56.9 60-69 37.6 70+ 15.8 Prob. .000 Women 18-29 82.9 30-39 77.8 40-49 60.3 50-59 39.6 60-69 19.7 70+ 5.4 Prob. .000 Source: GSS, 1998
Table 11
Sexual Inactivity
A. Trends % Having No Sexual Intercourse during Last Three Months (Women, 15-44) Never Had Sex No Recent Sex Total 1982 13.6 5.9 19.5 1988 11.5 6.9 18.4 1995 10.7 6.2 16.9 Source: Mosher, 1990 and Abma, et al., 1997 % with No Sex Partner during Last 12 Months, All Adults 1988 19.8 1989 19.0 1990 16.3 1991 18.4 1993 17.4 1994 18.4 1996 15.1 1998 17.4 Prob. .003 Source: GSS, 1998 B. Socio-demographic Groups (% with No Sex Partner, Last 12 Months) Gender Men 13.2 Women 21.1 Prob. .000 Race Whites 17.5 Blacks 18.1 Prob. .519 % with No Sex Partner during Last 12 Months Age 18-29 13.1 30-39 6.3 40-49 9.5 50-59 17.5 60-69 30.7 70+ 60.6 Prob. .000 Marital Status Married 7.1 Widowed 77.0 Divorced 27.7 Separated 17.7 Never Married 24.6 Remarried 5.5 Prob. .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 20.6 Top 100 Central Cities 19.1 Suburbs of Top 12 15.2 Suburbs of Top 100 16.0 Other Urban 17.5 Rural 18.4 Prob. .000 Education Less than High School 29.6 High School Grad. 16.4 Assoc. Col. Degree 11.8 Bachelor's Degree 13.2 Graduate Degree 11.8 Prob. .000 % Not Sexually Active Household Income Less than $10,000 33.9 $10,000-19,999 24.1 $20,000-29,999 17.6 $30,000-39,999 13.0 $40,000-59,999 11.1 $60,000+ 7.5 Refused 23.6 Prob. .000 Church Attendance Rarely 15.2 Occasionally 15.1 Regularly 23.7 Prob. .000 Married 18-29 1.5 30-39 1.2 40-49 2.6 50-59 6.9 60-69 14.0 70+ 33.0 Prob. .000 Not Married 18-29 18.7 30-39 15.8 40-49 26.7 50-59 45.6 60-69 71.5 70+ 91.6 Prob. .000 Men 18-29 14.5 30-39 6.5 40-49 6.9 50-59 11.1 60-69 16.4 70+ 43.7 Prob. .000 Women 18-29 11.9 30-39 6.0 40-49 11.6 50-59 22.9 60-69 41.4 70+ 72.3 Prob. .000 Source: GSS, 1998
Table 12
Reported Changes in Sexual Behavior due to AIDS
NBC: Since you became aware of AIDS, have you changed your sexual behavior in any way? 1/86 1/87 Yes 7.3% 7.4% No 92.4 92.1 Not sure 0.3 0.5 (1598) ( 800) CBS: What about you personally? Have you changed your sexual habits because you worried about getting AIDS? 10/86 Yes 11.5% No 86.0 No Opinion 2.6 (823) Gallup: Which of these statements applies to you: 10/87 11/91 Because of the risk of AIDS, I have changed my behavior 11% 14% Because of the risk of AIDS, I am seriously thinking of changing my behavior 3 2 Despite the risk of AIDS, I have not changed my behavior 15 8 I do not need to change my behavior 68 75 Don't Know 3 3 (1569) (1002) NSFGa: To keep people from catching diseases such as genital herpes, chlamydia, or AIDS, doctors have suggested several changes people change make in their sexual behavior. In which of the ways shown on card 27, if any, have you changed your sexual behavior? [Card 27 - A. Stopped having sexual intercourse? B. Stopped having other types of sexual relations? C. Don't have sex as often? D. Stopped having sex with more than one man? E. Stopped having sex with men I don't know well? F. Stopped having sex with men who are bisexual? G. Stopped having sex with men who use needles to take drugs (or) Have made no changes.] Which of these changes, if any have you made since you first heard about AIDS? Women, 15-44 Sexually Experienced Only Made Change Since AIDS 1988 13.3% 15.0% (8450) 1988 --- 14.4% }(2832) 1990 --- 18.0% aMcNally and Mosher, 1991 and Mosher and Pratt, 1993 CBS: Some people say they changed things about their sexual behavior in order to reduce their chances of getting AIDS. Have you changed your sexual habits because you are worried about getting AIDS? 1/89 6/91b 11/91c Yes 19% 20% 23% No 78 77 75 No Answer/DK 3 3 2 (594) (1424) (1709) bOmits "things about" and uses "afraid of" instead of "worried about." cLos Angeles Times. Omits "things about" and uses "afraid of" instead of "worried about." NORC: Have you made any kinds of change in your sexual behavior because of AIDS? (18-59) 1992 All Men Women Yes 29.7 35.1 25.4 (3148) Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michael, 1994 % change in sexual behavior due to AIDS by marital statusc NBC
(1/87)Gallup
(10/87)NSFGd
(1988)CBS
(6/91)NORCe
(1992)Married 2.9 6.8 3 8 12.0 Not married 17.5 19.0 31 43 --- Never married 24.0 21.7 -- -- 52.4 Divorced 8.2 27.4 -- -- Separated *** *** -- -- }47.0 Widowed 5.0 2.7 -- -- ***=too few cases ---=not available cBecause of differences in wordings, these figures are not directly comparable. dSexually active women, 15-44. eAges 18-59.
Table 13
Avoiding AIDS
Do you take any special steps or precautions to avoid catching AIDS, or not? Harris
1/1985Harris
11/1987PSRA
11-12/1992Yes 41% 49% 60% No 57 0 39 Not Sure 2 1 1 (1256) (1250) (1250)
CBS/NYT: Is there anything in particular you have done to avoid getting AIDS? ABC/WP & Roper: Is there anything you yourself are doing to avoid exposing yourself to AIDS? ABC/WP
9/85CBS/NYT
9/85CBS/NYT
10/86ABC/WP
3/87Roper
3/87ABC/WP
6/90CBS/NYT
6/93Yes 22% 13% 18% 37% 43% 54% 49% No 77 85 80 63 53 45 49 Don't Know 1 2 1 -- 4 1 2 (1512) ( 762) ( 823) (1511) (1017) (1020) (1347) What is that? Cut down on sexual activity 2 1 -- 3 1 -- Avoided oral sex * -- -- * 1 -- Avoided anal sex -- -- -- * 1 -- Avoided prostitutes -- -- -- * 1 -- Avoided homosexual sex -- 1 1 -- -- -- Avoid kissing -- -- * -- -- -- Limited number of sex partners 1 -- * 3 10 19 Monogamy 2 -- 3 7 12 --a Abstained * -- 1 3 5 7 Used condomsb * -- 1 4 10 12 Knew sexual history of partnersc -- 2 3 1 1 -- Slept only with partners who had tested negative for HIV -- -- -- 1 1 -- Note: Multiple responses allowed. It is not known how many reported one or more sexually related precautions. All categories explicitly relating to sexual behavior are listed above. Some sexual activity may also be referred under vague categories like "Change lifestyle" and "Avoid homosexuals." Different surveys used different coding schemes for responses so the comparisons are approximate only. *=less than 0.5% aThe absence of a Monogamy category in the 1993 CBS/NYT survey probably explains the increase of responses coded under the Limited sexual partners category. b"Use condoms/Practice safe sex" in 1993 CBS/NYT survey. c"Careful who date" in 1985 CBS/NYT survey; "Practice care with people dating" and "Select sex partners more carefully" in 1986 CBS/NYT survey. NORC: Have you made any kind of changes in your sexual behavior because of AIDS? IF SO: What have you changed? 1992 Any Change 29% Used condoms more frequently 9 Monogamy 8 Abstinence 3 Fewer partners 3 More careful in selecting
partners/Get to know
partners8 Less frequent sex 1 More careful (unspecified) 2 Other 8 Source: Feinleib and Michael, 1998 Note: Multiple responses allowed.
Table 14
Number of Sexual Partners
A. Trends % with total number of lifetime sexual partners among high school students 2+ 4+ 1989 40 24 1990 -- 19 1991 35 19 1993 -- 19 Prob. <.05 <.05a Source: Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of Epidemiology and Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; Reproductive Health, 1992; and "Youth Risk Behavior Survey," 1995. probability test for 1989-1991 only. % with 4+ sex partners, Ages 14-21 1992 14-17 13.3 14-19 15.9 14-21 63.0 18-21 41.3 Sources: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b % with 4+ Male Lifetime Sexual Partners, Sexually Experienced Women 15-44 1988 43.1 1990 47.1 1995 46.9-49.2 Note: Higher figured based on self-completion form. Lower number should be more comparable to earlier figures. Source: Mosher and Pratt, 1993 and Abma, et al., 1997 % with 4+ male sex partners in last 12 months, Unmarried Women, 15-44 in 1995 Interview Self-
CompletionAll 3.3 8.6 15-29 3.7 7.4 20-24 4.6 11.2 25-29 2.9 9.0 30-34 2.9 8.7 35-39 2.7 8.3 40-44 1.2 5.7 Source: Abma, et al., 1997 Last 12 months, Adults None 1 2 3 4 5-9 10-19 20+ Mean 1988 19.8 67.2 5.0 3.2 1.8 2.0 0.6 0.5 1.49 1989 19.0 68.7 6.3 3.0 1.3 1.6 0.1 0.1 1.14 1990 16.3 71.4 5.6 2.6 1.6 1.7 0.1 0.6 1.58 1991 18.4 71.2 5.9 1.9 0.8 1.4 0.3 0.1 1.12 1993 17.4 72.0 5.6 2.1 1.4 1.3 0.2 0.1 1.12 1994 18.4 70.6 6.0 2.4 1.1 1.2 0.2 0.1 1.09 1996 15.1 72.2 6.1 3.2 1.6 1.3 0.3 0.2 1.28 1998 17.4 70.7 6.0 2.2 1.5 1.4 0.3 0.1 1.24 Prob. .000 Last 5 Years, Adults 1991 11.3 60.3 8.3 6.7 3.3 6.0 2.7 1.5 2.70 1993 12.6 59.0 8.5 6.5 4.5 6.2 2.0 0.8 2.42 1994 11.1 59.4 8.6 7.2 4.1 6.4 1.8 1.4 2.79 1996 10.0 57.8 10.2 7.2 4.7 6.4 2.2 1.2 2.83 1998 11.2 59.0 9.2 6.0 4.7 5.7 2.0 0.9 2.50 Prob. .281 Source: GSS, 1998 Since Age 18, Adults Mean Number of Sexual Partners 1989 6.8-7.2a 1990 6.5-7.0 1991 7.4-8.1 1993 7.4-8.0 1994 8.4-9.0 1996 8.9-9.5 1998 7.5-7.8 Prob. .006-.011 Source: GSS, 1998 several different techniques were used to handle item non-response. The above figures represent the low and high estimates based on how missing data are estimated.
Number of Sexual Partners B. Socio-demographic Groups % with 2+ Sex Partners Last 12 Months Last 5 Years Gender Men 16.9 37.0 Women 9.4 24.7 Prob. .000 .000 Race Whites 11.0 28.3 Blacks 21.6 44.4 Prob. .000 .000 Age 18-29 26.7 61.8 30-39 13.1 34.3 40-49 9.0 23.1 50-59 5.5 14.7 60-69 2.7 8.2 70+ 1.0 4.0 Prob. .000 .000 Marital Status Married 2.9 12.0 Widowed 3.2 10.8 Divorced 23.5 56.2 Separated 31.7 56.9 Never Married 31.8 63.1 Remarried 4.5 21.0 Prob. .000 .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 18.6 41.0 Top 100 Central Cities 15.4 37.0 Suburbs of Top 12 11.1 28.8 Suburbs of Top 100 11.5 31.1 Other Urban 11.6 27.9 Rural 8.3 22.2 Prob. .000 .000 Education Less than High School 13.2 27.2 High School Grad. 13.1 32.6 Assoc. Col. Degree 12.4 33.6 Bachelor's Degree 9.8 28.3 Graduate Degree 7.4 20.3 Prob. .000 .000 Household Income Less than $10,000 19.8 45.5 $10,000-19,999 16.7 39.7 $20,000-29,999 13.8 36.6 $30,000-39,999 10.5 31.5 $40,000-59,999 7.7 23.2 $60,000+ 8.8 20.6 Refused 8.9 18.7 Prob. .000 .000 Church Attendance Rarely 16.6 39.5 Occasionally 13.2 32.1 Regularly 4.9 14.6 Prob. .000 .000 Source: GSS, 1998 Mean Number of Sexual Partners
Since Age 18bGender Men 12.4 Women 4.0 Prob. .000 Race Whites 7.7 Blacks 8.3 Prob. .329 Age 18-29 6.0 30-39 8.3 40-49 9.9 50-59 10.0 60-69 6.5 70+ 4.2 Prob. .000 Marital Status Married 5.0 Widowed 3.9 Divorced 13.6 Separated 10.3 Never Married 8.7 Remarried 12.0 Prob. .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 8.8 Top 100 Central Cities 9.9 Suburbs of Top 12 7.4 Suburbs of Top 100 9.3 Other Urban 7.0 Rural 5.6 Prob. .000 Education Less than High School 5.9 High School Grad. 7.8 Assoc. Col. Degree 9.1 Bachelor's Degree 8.5 Graduate Degree 9.3 Prob. .000 Household Income Less than $10,000 7.5 $10,000-19,999 8.0 $20,000-29,999 7.6 $30,000-39,999 8.4 $40,000-59,999 8.0 $60,000+ 8.1 Refused 6.0 Prob. .350 Church Attendance Rarely 10.8 Occasionally 7.1 Regularly 4.4 Prob. .000 Source: GSS, 1998 boa the several estimating procedures utilized, the one used for these figures minimizes the amount of missing data. The relationships report here are very similar to those found by two alternative methods.
Table 15
Relationship with Sex Partners
A. Trends % Whose Least Familiar Sexual Partner During the Last 12 Months was... 1988 1989 1990 1991 1993 1994 1996 1998 Paid Partner/
Pick-up3.4% 3.1% 3.5% 3.9% 3.7% 3.5% 4.3% 3.6% Not Regular
Partner,
Unspecified1.9 1.8 1.6 1.9 1.4 2.1 1.5 2.6 Acquaintance 2.9 2.6 2.6 2.2 2.4 2.3 3.7 3.0 Friend 5.3 5.3 5.2 4.8 3.5 4.4 4.9 3.9 Regular Partner 65.9 67.7 70.1 67.1 70.5 67.9 69.2 68.6 Unspecified 0.6 0.7 0.6 1.8 1.2 1.4 1.4 0.9 No Sex Partner 19.8 19.0 16.3 18.3 17.4 18.4 15.1 17.4 Prob. .000 % in "On-going Relationship" 92.3 89.9 Prob. .004 B. Socio-demographic Groups % with Paid/Pick-up+
AcquaintanceGender Men 10.1 Women 3.4 Prob. .000 Race Whites 6.1 Blacks 8.7 Prob. .000 Age 18-29 14.8 30-39 7.0 40-49 4.2 50-59 3.0 60-69 0.9 70+ 0.5 Prob. .000 Marital Status Married 1.3 Widowed 1.1 Divorced 12.3 Separated 15.5 Never Married 18.3 Remarried 1.7 Prob. .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 9.1 Top 100 Central Cities 8.4 Suburbs of Top 12 5.8 Suburbs of Top 100 6.3 Other Urban 6.0 Rural 4.8 Prob. .000 Education Less than High School 5.6 High School Grad. 7.0 Assoc. Col. Degree 7.1 Bachelor's Degree 5.9 Graduate Degree 4.4 Prob. .000 Household Income Less than $10,000 9.6 $10,000-19,999 9.0 $20,000-29,999 7.7 $30,000-39,999 5.5 $40,000-59,999 4.4 $60,000+ 4.6 Refused 4.1 Prob. .000 Church Attendance Rarely 9.5 Occasionally 6.4 Regularly 2.3 Prob. .000 Notes: a) People with more than one partner are classified according to the partner least familiar to them. b) The categories used above are defined as follows:
Paid Partner/Pick-up: "Person you paid or paid you for sex" or "Casual date or pick-up"
Not Partner: Not a Partner (see below), other information missing.
Acquaintance: "Neighbor, co-worker, or long-term acquaintance"
Friend: "Close personal friend"
Partner: "Husband or wife or regular sexual partner"
Unspecified: all information missing
No Sex Partner: No sex partners reportedc) Based on an analysis of the two categories with missing information (Not Partner, Unspecified and Unspecified), these two groups were placed along the closeness continuum according to where they on average fit. For example, Not Partner, Unspecified represented fairly distant relationships that fall between Paid/Pickups and Acquaintances. Source: GSS, 1998 II. In an "On-going Relationship" with Most Recent Sexual Partner % in On-going Relationship All 91.1 Gender Men 88.2 Women 93.6 Prob. .000 Race Whites 91.7 Blacks 87.0 Prob. .000 Age 18-29 86.0 30-39 91.7 40-49 93.9 50-59 92.5 60-69 93.4 70+ 91.1 Prob. .004 Marital Status Married 95.4 Widowed 91.1 Divorced 90.3 Separated 89.3 Never Married 79.9 Remarried 96.1 Prob. .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 85.8 Top 100 Central Cities 87.1 Suburbs of Top 12 92.9 Suburbs of Top 100 93.9 Other Urban 92.3 Rural 90.4 Prob. .000 Education Less than High School 83.3 High School Grad. 91.6 Assoc. Col. Degree 95.1 Bachelor's Degree 91.6 Graduate Degree 97.0 Prob. .000 Household Income Less than $10,000 85.9 $10,000-19,999 88.1 $20,000-29,999 89.2 $30,000-39,999 92.3 $40,000-59,999 93.6 $60,000+ 94.5 Refused 90.8 Prob. .078 Church Attendance Rarely 88.9 Occasionally 91.9 Regularly 93.4 Prob. .000 Source: GSS, 1998 C. Other Relationship to Partner at First Voluntary Intercourse Just Met Just Friends Went Out Once in a While Going Steady Engaged Married Other All Women 2.5% 9.4 8.3 61.0 6.2 12.2 0.4 15-19 2.8% 10.5 9.7 72.7 2.8 1.5 0.1 20-24 3.5% 10.2 8.3 69.4 2.9 5.4 0.4 25-29 2.5% 10.0 8.5 63.8 5.1 9.9 0.3 30-34 1.9% 9.3 9.4 61.9 6.5 10.5 0.5 35-39 2.9% 9.4 8.2 56.4 7.5 15.2 0.5 40-44 1.6% 8.1 6.6 50.8 9.4 23.0 0.7 Source: Abma, et al., 1997
Table 16
Trends in Arrests for Prostitution and Commercialized Vice
(Arrests per 100,000 population) 1970 32.5 1971 34.0 1972 27.9 1973 29.2 1974 39.8 1975 28.0 1976 33.4 1977 40.4 1978 43.4 1979 40.6 1980 41.2 1981 48.1 1982 59.3 1983 59.4 1984 49.1 1985 49.8 1986 48.8 1987 49.9 1988 41.7 1989 44.3 1990 47.1 1991 42.9 1992 40.9 1993 41.5 1994 41.8 1995 41.3 1996 42.7 Source: FBI, 1996
Table 17
Paid Sexual Partners
(Men)A. Trends % Ever Paid for Sex % Paid for Sex in Last Year 1988 --- 0.5 1989 --- 0.3 1990 --- 0.4 1991 17.8 1.2 1993 17.0 0.5 1994 16.3 0.5 1996 16.9 0.5 1998 14.2 0.7 Prob. NS NS B. Socio-demographic Differences in Use of Prostitutes Race Whites 15.5 0.4 Blacks 22.7 1.9 Prob. .000 .000 Age 18-29 7.5 0.7 30-39 14.4 0.6 40-49 19.9 0.6 50-59 22.7 0.4 60-69 24.3 0.5 70+ 17.6 0.0 Prob. .000 .391 Marital Status Married 13.3 0.3 Widowed 21.6 0.3 Divorced 25.1 1.3 Separated 26.3 3.2 Never Married 12.7 1.1 Remarried 23.4 0.1 Prob. .000 .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 20.0 2.0 Top 100 Central Cities 18.4 0.7 Suburbs of Top 12 18.9 0.8 Suburbs of Top 100 19.5 0.5 Other Urban 13.7 0.3 Rural 12.6 0.3 Prob. .000 .003 Education Less than High School 13.1 1.1 High School Grad. 17.1 0.3 Assoc. Col. Degree 19.4 1.5 Bachelor's Degree 15.8 0.8 Graduate Degree 15.1 0.1 Prob. .064 .003 Household Income Less than $10,000 13.5 2.2 $10,000-19,999 19.9 1.2 $20,000-29,999 15.4 0.5 $30,000-39,999 17.0 0.3 $40,000-59,999 18.5 0.4 $60,000+ 14.1 0.1 Refused 17.1 0.8 Prob. .019 .000 Church Attendance Rarely 18.8 0.7 Occasionally 15.8 0.7 Regularly 11.8 0.2 Prob. .000 .133 Veteran Status Served in Military 37.1 0.8 Did not Serve 12.4 0.5 Prob. .000 .467 Marital Satisfaction (currently married) Very happy 14.3 0.0 Pretty happy 18.7 0.3 Not to happy 16.1 4.8 Prob. .011 .000 Source: GSS, 1998
Table 18
Trends in Condom Use
A. Most Recent Sexual Intercourse % Using Condom at Most Recent Intercourse, Sexually Active Males 17-19 in Metropolitan Areas 1979 1988 All 21.1 57.5 Non-Blacks 20.5 56.5 Blacks 23.2 62.0 Source: Sonenstein, Pleck, and Ku, 1989; Sonenstein, Ku, and Pleck, 1997 % Using Condom at Most Recent Intercourse, Sexually Active Males, 17.5-19 1988 1991 53.0 55.9 Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 % Using Condom at Most Recent Intercourse among Sexually Active High School Students 1990 1991 1993 1995 1997 All 45 46.2 52.8 54.4 56.8 Men 49 54.5 59.2 60.5 62.5 Women 40 38.0 46.0 48.6 50.8 Source: Moore, et al., 1992 and Divs. of Epidemiology and Prevention; Adolescent and School Health; Reproductive Health, 1992; Div. of Adolescent and School Health, 1995 & 1998. % Using Condoms among Never-Married, Sexually Experienced Males, 15-19, at Last Sexual Intercourse 1988 56.9 1995 67.0 Source: Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, and Pleck, 1998 % Using Condom During Last Sexual Intercourse, Adults 18+ 1996 1998 20.4 18.7 Prob. .146 Source: GSS, 1998 Use of Condom with Most Recent Sexual Partner among Males 15-19 in 1988, Reinterviewed in 1990/91 % Used Condom First Time % Used Condom Most Recent Time 17-18 59.1 54.7 19-20 55.6 42.4 21-22 45.8 34.9 Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1994; Sonenstein, Ku, and Pleck, 1997 % Using Condom During Most Recent Intercourse among Sexual Active Teens, 12-17 1990 All 57 Males 67 Females 47 Source: Leigh, Morrison, Trocki, and Temple, 1994 % Using Condom During Most Recent Sexual Intercourse, Ages 14-21 14-17 14-19 14-21 18-21 1992 58.6 58.3 43.5 38.9 Sources: Divs. of Adolescent and School Health and Health Interview Statistics, 1994a and 1994b % Using Condom During Vaginal Intercourse at Last Sexual Event, Adults 18-59 1992 All 16.3 Men 18.0 Women 15.0 Source: Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, and Michael, 1994 % Using Condom at Last Intercourse: Never-Married, 14-22 1992 Women Men A11 43.9 56.9 14-15 52.2 73.2 16 53.8 57.9 17 49.0 66.1 18 43.8 52.8 19 43.2 56.8 20 35.5 47.4 21-22 36.2 50.9 Note: These exclude some uses of condoms along with other contraceptives. Total condom could have been as high as 47.1% for women and 59.4% for men. % Using Condom during Last Sexual Intercourse: College Students, 18-24 1995 37.7 Source: Douglas, Collins, et al., 1997 % Using Condom during Last Sexual Intercourse with Female: Males, 15-19 1995 64.4-64.0 Note: First number is from self-completion using paper. Second number is from audio-computer assisted, self-completion. Source: Turner, et al., 1998 B. First Sexual Intercourse % Using Condom at First Premarital Intercourse, Women 15-44 in 1988 Date of First Sexual Intercourse 1965-69 1970-74 1975-79 1980-82 1983-88 All 24.0 21.0 22.0 26.7 41.8 Non-Hispanic
Whites24.6 22.8 23.7 27.7 45.4 Non-Hispanic
Blacks24.7 17.0 24.3 29.2 32.4 Source: Mosher and McNally, 1991 % Using Condom at First, Premarital Voluntary Intercourse, Women 15-44 in 1995 Date of First Sexual Intercourse All Pre-1980 1980-84 1985-89 1990-95 29.2 18.3 25.1 36.4 54.3 % Using Condom at First Sex, Females, 15-44 1975 18 1988 36 1995 54 Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 % Using Condom at First Intercourse, High School Students 1994 63-65% Source: "Teens Talk," 1994 % Using Condom at First Voluntary Sex, Females, 15-19 1995 66% Source: Moore, Driscoll, and Lindberg, 1998 C. Misc. Recent Usage % of Time Condom Used Among Those Sexually Active in Last 12 Months, Males 17.5-19 1988 1991 A11 51.0 54.7 Source: Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 Condom Use Among Heterosexuals with Multiple Partners, 18-49 % Always Using Condoms Main Partner Secondary Partner Wave 1 (1990-91) 21 24 Wave 2 (1991-92) 22 33 Source: Catania, Coates, Peterson, et al., 1993 % Using Condoms for Every Sexual Intercourse during Last 12 Months among Never-Married, Sexually Experienced Males, 15-19 1988 33.1 1995 45.0 Source: Sonenstein, Ku, Lindberg, Turner, and Pleck, 1998 Source: Santelli, et al., 1997 % Using Condom as Main Current Method of Contraception: Women, 15-44 All 15-29 20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 1982 12 21 11 11 12 12 11 1988 15 33 15 16 12 12 11 1995 20 37 26 24 18 17 12 Source: Piccinino and Mosher, 1998 % Using Condoms for Contraception or STDs in Past Three Months Among the Sexually Active, Women 15-44 Never Some Always All 78.1 12.3 9.6 Married 87.5 6.1 6.4 Unmarried 59.5 24.6 15.8 Source: Mosher and Pratt, 1993 % Using Condom during Last 4 Weeks: Males 1991 17.5-19 52 20-24 39 25-29 33 30-34 21 35-39 17 Note: For those under 25, based on only those sexually active in last four weeks. Source: Sonenstein, Ku, and Pleck, 1997 % Using Condoms Alone or With other Methods: Women, 15-44 1995 All 23.4 15-19 46.1 20-24 33.7 25-29 27.6 30-34 20.5 35-39 17.7 40-44 12.8 Source: Piccinino and Mosher, 1998
Table 19
Condom Use During Most Recent Sexual Intercourse by Socio-demographic Groups
% Using Condom All 19.6 Gender Men 21.2 Women 18.2 Prob. .009 Race Whites 17.7 Blacks 32.8 Prob. .000 Age 18-29 35.3 30-39 22.1 40-49 15.0 50-59 10.8 60-69 10.3 70+ 6.3 Prob. .000 Marital Status Married 12.0 Widowed 12.1 Divorced 22.5 Separated 24.4 Never Married 43.9 Remarried 6.3 Prob. .000 Community Type Top 12 Central Cities 33.5 Top 100 Central Cities 24.7 Suburbs of Top 12 19.2 Suburbs of Top 100 19.7 Other Urban 16.3 Rural 15.1 Prob. .000 Education Less than High School 16.5 High School Grad. 20.1 Assoc. Col. Degree 20.9 Bachelor's Degree 21.8 Graduate Degree 14.6 Prob. .011 Household Income Less than $10,000 31.3 $10,000-19,999 22.4 $20,000-29,999 20.2 $30,000-39,999 19.1 $40,000-59,999 16.7 $60,000+ 14.9 Refused 20.2 Prob. .000 Church Attendance Rarely 21.9 Occasionally 20.4 Regularly 14.1 Prob. .000 Source: GSS, 1998
Footnotes
1A 1998 study for the Kaiser Family Foundation by Princeton Survey Research Association indicates that 14% of adults 18-44 who have ever had sexual intercourse have had an STD other than AIDS. For rates among youths see Ellen, Aral, and Madger, 1998.
2This report addresses a number of measurement issues, but does not focus on methodology and measurement error. For recent discussions of the reliability and validity of sexual behavior data see Auster, n.d.; Bachrach, Evans, Ellison, and Stolley, 1992; Biggar and Melbye, 1992; Binson and Catania, 1998; Boekeloo, et al., 1994; Brody, 1995; Brown and Sinclair, 1996; Catania, Binson, Canchola, Pollack, Hauck, and Coates, 1996; Catania, Canchola, and Pollock, 1996; Catania, Gibson, Chitwood, and Coates, 1990; Catania, McDermott, and Pollack, 1986; Catania, Turner, Pierce, Golden, Stocking, Binson, and Mast, 1993; Downey, Ryan, Roffman, and Kilich, 1995; Dunne, Martin, Bailyet, Heath, Bucholz, Madden, and Stalham, 1997; Edelman, 1998; Ellish, Weisman, Celentano, and Zenilman, 1996; Giami, 1996; Hornsby and Wilcox, 1989; Huygens, Kajura, Seeley, and Barton, 1996; Jasso, 1985 and 1986; Johnson and Delamater, 1976; Kahn, Kalsbeck, and Hofferth, 1988; Karabatsos, 1997; Lauritsen and Swicegood, 1997; Maass and Volpato, 1989; Metzler, et al., 1992; Miller, 1995 & 1996; Morris, 1993; Newcomber and Udry, n.d.; Orr, Fortenberry, and Blythe, 1997; Padian, Aral, Vranizan, and Bolan, 1995; Peterman, 1995; Seal, 1997; Shew, et al., 1997; Smith, 1992a; 1992b; Sonenstein, 1997; Tourangeau, Rasinski, Jobe, Smith, and Pratt, 1997; Tourangeau and Smith, 1996; 1998; Tourangeau, Smith, and Rasinski, 1997; Trivedi and Sabini, 1998; Turner, Rogers, Lindberg, Pleck, and Sonenstein, 1998; Upchurch, et al., 1991; Wadsworth, Johnson, Wellings, and Field, 1998; Weinhardt, et al., 1998; Wiederman, 1997; Zenilman, et a1., 1995; and Zimmerman and Langer, 1995.
3Work by Schuster, Bell, and Kanouse, 1996 suggests that precise definitions of sexual intercourse are needed to understand the trends and what sexual activities are occurring. In their sample of 9-12th graders in a Los Angeles County school district, they found that 35% of those who had never had vaginal intercourse had had gential sexual activity in the last year including masturbation with a partner and/or oral and anal sex.
4We use the term "sexual orientation" as a shorthand to refer to the gender of one's sexual partners. Our usage is based on behavior and not on preference or psychological identification. Similarly, we will use "gays" to refer to men who have had male sexual partners and "lesbians" to refer to women who have had female sexual partners. Unless otherwise indicated these terms will include "bisexuals" (i.e. people who have had both male and female sexual partners). "Homosexuals" refers to men or women who have had same gender sexual partners.
On issues relating to definitions and terminology see Bevier, Chiasson, and Hefferman, 1996; Doll and Beeker, 1996; Gonsiorek and Weinrich, 1991; Michaels, 1997; Rietmeijer, et al., 1998; Kennamer and Bradford, 1998; and Rankow, 1996.5It is generally believed that including adolescent behavior would further increase these rates, but firm numerical estimates are not available. For some indication of this see Billy, Tanfer, Grady, and Klepinger, 1993 and Faulkner and Cranston, 1998. However, other surveys of young adult and teenage sexual orientation do not conform this (Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993; "Teens Talk," 1994). Spanning the lower and higher estimates, Turner et al. (1997) found that among males 15-19 in 1995 1.5% reported homosexual relations on a paper, self-completion questionnaire, but 5.5% did so on an audio-computer assisted, self-completion questionnaire.
6There is more missing data on the adult lifetime figures than for the 1 and 5 year figures. Information on sexual orientation over the last year and five years were used to reduce the missing data. 10.9% have incomplete information, 3.0% have had no sexual partners, 82.1% are heterosexual, and 3.9% bisexual or homosexual. This latter group contains anyone who indicated same gender partners during the last year, last five years, or since age 18. The largest group of incomplete cases are those who reported the number of opposite gender partners, but skipped the same gender question. Close inspection of the incomplete cases on variables such as marital status, number of children ever born, and attitudes towards homosexuality indicates that the missing cases have a profile even more heterosexual than the identified heterosexuals (e.g. more negative towards homosexuality, more like to be/have been married, more likely to have had children). In the figures cited here we exclude the sexually inactive and assign the cases with incomplete information proportional to the known cases. This procedure yields a higher number of homosexual /bisexual identifications than are indicated by the profile of the incomplete cases (Smith, 1996).
7For an attempt to use contemporary data to project trends backwards through a cohort model see Rogers and Turner, 1991.
8Ku, Sonenstein, and Pleck, 1993 show a decline in homosexual behavior among males 17.5-19 between 1988 and 1991, but question the reliability of their own numbers.
9A notable exception is a 1991 United States sample of men 20-39 and women 20-37 that found 2.3% of men and 4.1% of women had a same gender partner in the last 10 years (Tanfer, 1994). This anomalous result may result from their question. They asked people to rate their sexual activity on a five-point scale from exclusively heterosexual to exclusively homosexual.
10The concentration of gays in large urban centers also occurs in Europe (AIDS Investigators, 1992 and Johnson, Wadsworth, Wellings, Bradshaw, and Field, 1992).
11On knowledge among adolescents see Kann, et al., 1998.
12For change data from Sweden and Finland see Herlitz, 1993 and Kontula and Haavio-Mannila, 1994.
13The reports are questionable because of problems of recall and attribution. Any question on retrospective change depends on ones ability to accurately report not only what current behavior is, but also what past behavior used to be. Thus retrospective change reports tend to be less reliable because they depend on accurate recall and because they are based on two estimates (present and past). These questions are further problematic because they ask people to associate changes in sexual behavior to AIDS. This involves first accurately recalling that the change came after learning about AIDS and second correctly identifying concern over AIDS as the cause of the change. This second step is particularly difficult since the questions are biased towards having people attribute changes as due to AIDS and since changes are usually multi-causal rather than mono-causal. For example, on the 1991 CBS survey 5% of changers reported they had gotten married or become monogamous because of AIDS. While some marriages have undoubtedly occurred because of AIDS, it is quite possible that AIDS was a minor factor in the decision to get married and may not have led to more or earlier marriages than would have occurred in the normal course of things.
The indication of an upward trend is problematic because the period since learning about AIDS (most adults learned about AIDS in the mid-1980s, Singer, Rogers, and Corcoran, 1987) has been lengthening. Recall over longer periods is less accurate so the reliability of the reports is lessening over time. In addition, more changes occur over a longer period and attributing those changes to AIDS, or any other event, becomes less certain. Also, the longer period means that the match between current statuses and past changes are less certain. For example, a person married for five years may be reporting on a) changes prior to the marriage, b) the marriage itself as a change, c) changes since the marriage, or d) some combination. Because of these problems, the "have you changed your sexual behavior because of AIDS" questions are less than ideal.14One sexual risk factor not discussed is type of sexual activity (e.g. vaginal, anal, and oral intercourse). On the comparative risk of these behaviors see Susser, Desvarieux, and Wittkowski, 1998.
15On male bisexuals see Doll and Beeker, 1996; Ekstrand, Coates, Guydish, Hauck, Collette, and Hulley, 1994 and Stokes, McKirnan, and Burzette, 1993.
16On discrepancies between the reports of men and women see Smith, 1992a; Wadsworth, Johnson, Wellings, and Field, 1996; and Wiederman, 1997.
17In addition, for males 15-29 in 1995 0.7% said they had ever had sex with a prostitute on a paper self-completion form, but 2.5% report such behavior on an audio-computer-assisted, self-completion form (Turner, et al., 1998).
18Among legal Nevada brothel workers the median number of customers per month was 69 (presumably counting repeat customers more than once) (Albert, Warner, and Hatcher, 1998). This number is probably higher than averaged by illegal sex workers. On the frequency of repeat customers see Freund, Lee, and Leonard, 1991. See also, Cusick, 1998.
19For a similar increase among a small group of college women see DeBuono, Zinner, Daamen, and McCormack, 1990. For figures on condom sales in 1983-1988 see Moran, Janes, Peterman, and Stone, 1990.
20The lowering of the average age of menarche may also contribute to this widespread pattern (Ehrhardt and Wasserheit, 1991).
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